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Public Llbr^iy 

Kansas City, Mo. 















Co?YRIGHTj, 1942 AND 1945, BY 


All rigfets reserved no part of this book may be 
reproduced in any form without permission in writing 
from the publisher, except by a reviewer who wishes 
to quote brief passages in connection with a review 
written for Inclusion in magazine or newspaper. 

First printing. 


To all those 'who were instrumental in effecting my 
release from the Japanese, and to the many others 
whose active help and sympathy, since my return, have 
materially aided my recovery: this book is dedicated. 



I Eastward Ho! i 

II So This Is Shanghai! 7 

III An International City 1 8 

IV Sun Yat-sen and Yuan Shih-kai 28 
V Shadows of Civil War 35 

VI The Lansing-Ishii "Incident" 43 

VII Russians in Shanghai 51 

. VIII Editor As Lobbyist 6 1 

IX Shantung and Washington 71 

X Wars in the North 83 

XI Incident of the Blue Express 92 

XII Affairs in South China 1 25 

XIII Factional Troubles of the 1 920*5 132 

XIV Fighting in Shanghai 141 
XV Diplomatic Juggling on Intervention 161 

XVI China and USSR at War 170 

XVII "Real" Start of World War II 1 82 

XVIII Russia, China, and Japan 193 

XIX Vladivostok 202 

XX Across Siberia 215 

XXI Moscow in '35 227 

XXII Home, Via Japan 239 

XXIII The Philippines in '36 247 


XXIV The Sian Incident 

XXV A Bear by the Tail 

XXVI Sequel of Sian 

XXVII Mounting Tension 

XXVIII American Ships, Japanese Bombs, in 1937 

XXIX Working for "The Trib" 

XXX The Pressure Increases 

XXXI Bomb and Bayonet 

XXXII Shadow of the Hun 

XXXIII History Punctuated 

XXXIV Japanese "Efficiency" 
XXXV Horrors of Bridge House 

XXXVI "Dangerous Thoughts" 

XXXVII Yanlcee Grain in China 

XXXVIII On the Exchange List 

XXXIX Homeward Bound 

XL China's Future 



2 7 8 








I Eastward Ho! i 

II So This Is Shanghai! 7 

III An International City 18 

IV Sun Yat-sen and Yuan Shih-kai 28 
V Shadows of Civil War 35 

VI The Lansing-Ishii "Incident" 43 

VII Russians in Shanghai 5 1 

VIII Editor As Lobbyist 6 1 

IX Shantung and Washington 71 

X Wars in the North 83 

XI Incident of the Blue Express 92 

XII Affairs in South China 115 

XIII Factional Troubles of the 1920'$ 132 

XIV Fighting in Shanghai 141 
XV Diplomatic Juggling on Intervention 161 

XVI China and USSR at War 170 

XVII "Real" Start of World War II 182 

XVIII Russia, China, and Japan 193 

XIX Vladivostok 202 

XX Across Siberia 215 

XXI Moscow in '35 227 

XXII Home, Via Japan 239 

XXIII The Philippines in '36 247 


XXIV The Sian Incident 

XXV A Bear by the Tail 

XXVI Sequel of Sian 

XXVII Mounting Tension 

XXVIII American Ships, Japanese Bombs, in 1937 

XXIX Working for "The Trib" 

XXX The Pressure Increases 

XXXI Bomb and Bayonet 

XXXII Shadow of the Hun 

XXXIII History Punctuated 

XXXIV Japanese "Efficiency" 
XXXV Horrors of Bridge House 

XXXVI "Dangerous Thoughts" 

XXXVII Yankee Grain in China 

XXXVIII On the Exchange List 

XXXIX Homeward Bound 

XL China's Future 



2 7 8 









Eastward Ho! 

THE SMALL CARGO BOAT upon which I was a passenger edged 
slowly up to a jetty in the Hongkew section of Shanghai, and I 
walked ashore carrying my suitcase. It was early in February, 
1917. A baggage coolie followed, carrying on his shoulder my 
old-fashioned tin-covered trunk. It was raining, and the narrow 
streets between the shipping godowns, or warehouses, which 
lined the Whangpoo River were running with sloppy mud. Two 
ricksha coolies dashed up, and while there was sufficient room 
in the man-drawn vehicles for both passenger and baggage, I 
chose to walk to the hotel, the Astor House. I had seen rickshas 
in Japan, had ridden in one in Yokohama, but I was still too new 
to the Orient to feel at ease in a vehicle drawn by a human being. 

My trip to the Orient, destined to develop into active news- 
paper work for a quarter of a century in one of the most politi- 
cally turbulent areas on earth, had been inspired by a cable from 
Thomas Franklin Fairfax Millard, an alumnus of the University 
of Missouri, who had become widely known as a correspondent 
in the Far East. 

Millard's cable, which was dated at Shanghai and addressed 
to Dean Walter Williams of the School of Journalism of the 
university, stated that he wished to employ a graduate of the 
school to assist him in starting a paper in Shanghai. Dean Williams 
handed me the cable, the first transoceanic telegram I had ever 

For some time I had been trying to make up my mind regard- 
ing two offers, one from the publisher of a trade journal in Des 
Moines, Iowa, and the other from the publisher of a newspaper 


in Atlanta, Georgia, who required an assistant. The idea of a trip 
to the Orient was too much of a temptation, however, and after 
talking the offer over with my wife and my colleagues, I began 
to wind up my work at the university. 

Unlike the hero in an Upton Sinclair novel, who was "born 
to the realm of international society and diplomatic intrigue," I 
was born on a northeast Missouri farm, attended and later taught 
in a country school, and earned my way through high school and 
business college in Quincy, Illinois, by carrying two newspaper 
routes, morning and evening. Later I worked as a cub reporter 
on the old Quincy Whig in order to obtain funds to pay my fare 
to the University of Missouri, where I enrolled in the new 
School of Journalism. Four years later, after graduation, I re- 
turned to northeast Missouri to work on the Courier-Post in 
Hannibal, a town immortalized as the boyhood residence of 
Mark Twain. After four years as a circulation solicitor, adver- 
tising manager, and city editor, I returned to the university as 
instructor in journalism. 

Like other American youths of the period and locality, my 
total knowledge of such distant strange lands as China and Japan 
had been acquired from a few chapters and some misleading 
maps in the school geographies and history textbooks. Even in 
the university I remembered only one or two history lecture 
periods in which the professor in "ancient, mediaeval and 
modem" history referred to China; and these references were not 
complimentary to that country. 

To be sure, I had known students from both China and Japan 
who had enrolled in journalism courses at the university. One, a 
Chinese named Hin Wong, from Honolulu and Canton, co- 
operated with me in organizing a Cosmopolitan Club which in- 
cluded all of the foreign students in the university. The idea of 
forming such a club had developed from an article I had written 
for the college paper about foreign students in the university. 
Another Chinese who had enrolled in one of my classes was 
Hollington K. Tong, from Shanghai. Both Wong and Tong were 
destined later to become prominent in journalism in their home- 


land, but on opposite sides of the political fence. Another student 
from the Orient, a Japanese named Toda, was the shortest in 
stature, but the best drilled cadet in my company in the student 
military corps. I didn't know then that he had already served 
three years* as a conscript in the Japanese Army before coming 
to the United States. 

The fact that I was actually going to Shanghai to help start 
a newspaper caused me to be regarded with much curiosity and 
some envy on the part of my associates at the university. The 
fac*- <-hat I had no advance knowledge whatever regarding the 
type uf paper that was to be started naturally did not help my 
peace of mind. I was the object of much humorous questioning; 
could I read "chicken tracks," one friend inquired, and added 
to my confusion by producing a receipt from the local Chinese 
laundry and asking me to decipher it. The college barber asked 
whether I wanted a "queue" haircut. 

My apprehension regarding the job in China increased as the 
scheduled date of my departure neared. I had once written an 
outline and description of an office system for a small-town 
newspaper plant, which had been published by a trade journal 
and had been widely adopted. Would this be of any use in my 
new job? What kind of paper would the new Shanghai journal 
be? Would I write editorials, solicit ads and subscribers and do 
everything else, as in a typical country newspaper office? I was 
accustomed to this type of journalism, as I had done everything 
in a small-town daily office except set type. I wondered if the 
Chinese had printers' unions. Also, I wondered whether Chinese 
papers had linotype machines capable of setting 5,000 characters 
or ideographs, which I was told often appeared in a single issue 
of a Chinese newspaper. 

Feeling the need of more information about the lands I was 
to visit, I went to the university library, where I found only 
two descriptive books. They were "Chinese Characteristics" 
and "Village Life in China," both by the same author, Dr. 
Arthur H. Smith, a veteran of the Gospel, who had spent more 
than a half century as a missionary in China. He was widely 


known for his humorous lectures, and his humor was to some 
extent evident in his descriptions of China and its people. 
Chinese students in American universities disliked the books 
because of the author's bizarre impressions of Chinese life. Once, 
shortly after my arrival in Shanghai, I heard Dr. Smith deliver 
a lecture dealing with political conditions in Peking, where the 
Republican Government had just weathered a crisis in which 
reactionary interests had plotted to restore the Manchu Dynasty. 
Dr. Smith was then on his way to the United States to retire. 
The feelings of everyone, particularly newcomers in the audi- 
ence, were at a low ebb as Dr. Smith concluded his talk by 
saying, "China is standing on the brink of a precipice." But the 
tension was relieved when the speaker, with a humorous twinkle 
in his eyes, added, as an afterthought, "In fact the country has 
been on the brink of a precipice ever since I arrived in it a half 
century ago." 

I finally sailed from San Francisco, in January, 1917, on the 
ancient Japanese passenger steamer Nippon Maru. At that time 
I did not think the United States would be drawn into the war, 
then in its third year. But there was an ominous happening 
when our boat reached Nagasaki, last stop in Japan before sail- 
ing for China. I went ashore with the other passengers and was 
exploring the shops of that ancient Nipponese city, the first 
place in Japan to have contact with Europeans, when a mes- 
senger from the ship came running with a note from the captain 
stating that it was necessary for all passengers scheduled for 
Shanghai to return to the ship at once and get their baggage. 
The captain had received instructions from the head office of 
the steamship company, the old Toyo Kisen Kaisha line in 
Yokohama, to drop all Shanghai passengers at Nagasaki and 
proceed directly to Manila. Two or three other passengers and 
I, who had tickets for Shanghai, thus found ourselves marooned 
in the strange little Japanese port of Nagasaki. 

Inquiry at the Nagasaki steamship offices disclosed that no 
steamer carrying passengers was scheduled to sail for Shanghai 


for three weeks. As my funds were running low, I decided to 
investigate the possibility of obtaining passage on a cargo boat, 
several of which were loading in the harbor. After paddling 
about the harbor in a sampan for some time I finally found a 
captain who was willing to provide a cabin in exchange for the 
unused portion of my trans-Pacific ticket, plus $10 in American 
money and on condition that I provide my own food. The boat 
was sailing in a few hours, hence I had time only to get my 
baggage and purchase a few articles of food for the run across 
the China Sea. The captain of the cargo boat spoke little English 
and evinced little interest in his American passenger. 

The weather was cold and cloudy, but after the ship had 
cleared the western cape of Kyushu the sun came out and it 
became quite warm. I began to notice a disagreeable odor about 
the ship, which rapidly became nauseating as the weather mod- 
erated. I appealed to the captain as to the cause of the odor. The 
captain pointed to large bales of merchandise wrapped in straw 
matting which were exposed on the deck and in the open 
hatches, and said, "Rotten fish only Chinaman eat." It took 
me several weeks to get the smell of that cargo out of my clothes, 
and the memory of it remained with me through the years. 

It was fortunate I had embarked on this ship, however, be- 
cause another ship, the Poltava, of Russian Vladivostok registry, 
upon which some of the passengers sailed about a week later, 
was caught in a typhoon in the China Sea and driven ashore on 
the coast south of Shanghai. The passengers were saved with 
great difficulty. 

I had not known until I reached San Francisco on my way 
to the Orient that the only passenger or cargo ships engaged in 
trans-Pacific trade at that time were of Japanese registry. Cap- 
tain Robert Dollar, who later became an extensive operator of 
steamship lines on the Pacific, had been forced to transfer his 
cargo ships to Canadian registry, and the Pacific Mail, the only 
American passenger line, had withdrawn its ships to the South 
American and Panama Canal routes. The situation which had 
driven the few American ships from the Pacific at such a crucial 


time, when America was on the verge of war, had resulted from 
the passage by Congress of the original La Follette Act de- 
signed by the liberal Wisconsin Senator to help American sea- 
men. One provision In the act forbade American ship owners 
to employ Oriental seamen. Since American ships with highly 
paid American crews had to compete with Japanese and British 
ships, both of which employed full crews of low-salaried Ori- 
ental seamen, It was impossible for the American lines to 
continue operating. They therefore either withdrew from the 
field or switched to British registry, which always permitted 
the employment of Chinese merchant seamen, long considered 
as efficient and trustworthy as the seamen of any nationality. 
Since most British-registered ships had been withdrawn to the 
Atlantic because of the war, the result was that the Japanese 
were left in complete control of the Pacific. After the war 
American shipping under Federal assistance, in the form of 
government-built ships with fantastic mail contracts, returned 
to the Pacific; but the fact remains that for a considerable period 
during America's participation in World War I the United 
States possessed on the broad Pacific no important ships of any 
kind except a few naval vessels. 


So Is 

THE ASTOR HOUSE HOTEL, then Shanghai's leading hostelry, had 
grown from a boarding house established originally by the 
skipper of some early American clipper, who left his ship at 
Shanghai. He christened his establishment in honor of the then 
most famous hotel in the United States, the Astor House in New 
York; however, he was compelled to add the designation "hotel," 
as the fame of the New York hostelry had not yet reached the 
China coast. Aside from the name, the two establishments had 
little in common, as the Astor House in Shanghai consisted of 
old three- and four-story brick residences extending around the 
four sides of a city block and linked together by long corridors. 
In the center of the compound was a courtyard where an 
orchestra played in the evenings. Practically everyone dressed 
for dinner, which never was served before eight o'clock. At 
one time or another one saw most of the leading residents of 
the port at dinner parties or in the lobby of the Astor House. 
An old resident of Shanghai once told me, "If you will sit in 
the lobby of the Astor House and keep your eyes open you 
will see all of the crooks who hang out on the China coast." 

At the hotel I asked the clerk where I might find my boss- 
to-be, Mr. Millard, and was relieved to learn that he lived there 
and would come down to the lobby shortly. What would he be 
like? Soon a Chinese boy called my attention to a man coming 
down the stairs. He was a short, slender man weighing perhaps 
125 pounds and dressed so perfectly that I wondered how he 
would be able to sit down without wrinkling his immaculate 


I soon learned that my boss, who had served the old New 
York Herald many years, first as dramatic critic and later as 
international political correspondent, had taken on many of 
rhe eccentricities of his employer, the late James Gordon 

1 naturally was anxious to obtain answers to a hundred ques- 
tions concerning my new job, but Millard appeared in no hurry 
to enlighten me. In fact we were soon the center of an interest- 
ing group of local residents who strolled in for afternoon tea, 
but the "tea" they consumed consisted chiefly of cocktails and 

The profusion of drinks aroused my curiosity, because I had 
grown up in dry local-option territory in the Middle West, and 
America was within a few years of the "great experiment'* of 
1920 when I sailed from San Francisco. 

The circle about our table expanded and the Chinese boy 
added a new table to hold the accumulating bottles and glasses. 
A$ the newcomers came up and were introduced they usually 
ordered a new round of drinks, which meant that each finally 
had several drinks standing on the table. After the boy had 
brought the drinks he would present the one who placed the 
order with a little piece of paper called a "chit," which no one 
ever looked at before signing. 

While waiting in the lobby for Mr. Millard, I had seen on 
a bulletin board a Reuter dispatch from one of the local English 
newspapers carrying the momentous news that the United States 
had broken off diplomatic relations with Germany. It was Feb- 
ruary 3, 1917. But the conversation about the table did not 
concern America's entrance into the war; on the contrary it 
was confined to the subject of possible prohibition in the United 
States and the increasing cost of drinks in Shanghai due to the 
shortage of shipping from England. Agreement was unanimous 
that Shanghai would never go dry, and that the British were 
more intelligent, on the liquor question at least, than were the 


Suddenly the conversation became hushed as a gray-haired 
man of medium height entered the lobby and approached our 
table. I was introduced to him, Thomas Sammons, American 
Consul-General, a likable official, who was constantly obsessed 
by the fear that something would happen in the community 
which might involve him in complications with the State De- 

America's entrance into the war later added tremendously to 
the Consul-General's responsibilities and anxieties, due to the 
character of the government of the International Settlement. 
Since China was still neutral, German and Austrian consuls and 
their nationals went about their affairs practically without re- 
straint, although all Britons and most Americans had ceased 
speaking to them or doing business with them. 

When the group finally broke up, Mr. Millard suggested 
that I take a room at the Astor House and introduced me to the 
manager, Captain Harry Morton. Since most of the managers 
of the Astor House had been sea captains, the hotel had taken 
on many of the characteristics of a ship. The corridors were 
painted to resemble the passageways leading to the staterooms 
of a passenger liner. I was therefore not surprised when the 
manager told me that he could give me a room in the "steerage" 
for $125 a month, including meals and afternoon tea. That 
figured out at about $60 in United States currency. 

It was not until the next day in his apartment that I had 
opportunity to discuss my new job with Mr. Millard, and to get 
some of the background of his own experience in China. 

Millard first went to China as a foreign correspondent foi 
the New York Herald to cover the Boxer Rebellion in 1900. At 
this time, and during his later coverage of the Russo-Japanese 
War in 1905 and 1906, he became acquainted with the Chinese 
political leaders, including Yuan Shih-kai, Tong Shao-yi, Wu 
Ting-fang, F. C. Tong, organizer of the first modern bank in 
Shanghai, and the Kuomintang leader, Dr, Sun Yat-senu China 


at that rime was still an empire, but there was plenty of evidence 
indicating that a revolution was brewing. In 1911 Millard 
founded the first American newspaper in China, the China 
Press at Shanghai. In this enterprise he was assisted by B. W. 
Fleisher, who later became publisher of the Japan Advertiser, 
in Tokyo. Most of the money for the purchase of type and 
mechanical equipment for the China Press was supplied by 
Charles R. Crane, a Chicago manufacturer, who became a 
stockholder and director in the enterprise. Crane had diplomatic 
ambitions. In 1909 he was appointed Minister to China, but re- 
signed before assuming his official duties; later he accepted the 
post after World War I. 

A number of well known Chinese in Shanghai, including 
Tong Shao-yi, and some bankers had also agreed to purchase 
stock in the new paper, but when Millard arrived in Shanghai 
with his machinery, he discovered that some of the leading 
Chinese who had agreed to cooperate with him had developed 
cold feet. Investigation disclosed that the opposition paper, the 
long-established British organ, the North China Daily News, 
had been responsible. That paper, known as the N.C.D.N., 
was the leading British organ outside of Hong Kong, and the 
proprietors naturally desired no American competition, par- 
ticularly of the type of the China Press, which always had a 
number of Chinese stockholders and editorially supported Chi- 
nese Nationalism and American-Chinese cooperation. The 
American population of Shanghai, although small, was growing 
and there was a general feeling that it should have an American 

The North China Daily News had further reason for op- 
posing the establishment of an American newspaper when 
the China Press by its enterprising methods, comics and other 
features soon passed the British paper in circulation. But the 
China Press could not exist on circulation revenues alone, and 
soon was in financial difficulties. Millard was forced to resign 
the editorship, and the principal interest in the paper was 
taken over by a local American real estate and insurance 


concern, which promptly sold a controlling interest, at a hand- 
some profit, to a local Briton. 

This was the newspaper set-up when I arrived in Shanghai, 
in 1917, to help Mr. Millard establish another paper, this time 
a weekly, which he had decided to call Millard? s Review of the 
Far East. Aside from the purchase of type and a supply of paper, 
nothing had been done to get the publication started, so that it 
devolved upon me to officiate at the birth of the new American 

Office space adjacent to the printing plant was rented, and 
we set to work. More questions: "Would we do our own print- 
ing or make a contract with a commercial printing house? " 
"How much circulation did Mr. Millard think we would have?" 
"Where would we obtain our advertising?" "Would the Chi- 
nese read our paper?" Finally I asked one question which 
brought a quick and unexpected response. The question was, 
"What will we print in the paper?" Straightening up stiffly in 
his chair, Millard snapped, "Anything we damn please." 

When I repeated this declaration of editorial policy to po- 
tential subscribers and advertisers as I made my rounds among 
the foreign and Chinese merchants, I always got a laugh for, 
as I learned later, it was Millard's insistence on printing "any- 
thing he damn pleased" which had caused his resignation from 
the editorship of the China Press. Millard never modified his prin- 
ciples on the fundamentals of the Far Eastern situation as so 
many of his colleagues did for a quick profit. 

Busy days followed. An office was rented and a contract 
signed with an ancient printing establishment owned by French 
Jesuit priests, who were happy to have our new American type 
in their plant. But I was dismayed to learn that neither the 
Chinese foreman nor any member of the numerous Chinese 
typesetting staff knew a single word of the English language. 
When I explained this predicament to the manager of the print- 
ing plant, Mr. Cowan, an American printer-manager who had 
gone to China originally as foreman of a plant owned by Protes- 
tant missionaries, he laughed and said it was better for the native 


printers not to understand what they were setting up in type, 
for if they did understand English they would constantly be 
trying to improve on the reporter's and editor's copy with 
disastrous results. I later discovered, however, to my sorrow, 
that a Chinese printer's inability to understand what he was 
setting up in type also had its dangers. A reporter sent the office 
boy with a note to a nearby bar inquiring, "What in 'ell has 
happened to the beer I ordered?" In some mysterious manner 
this note got into the personals, and it caused considerable ques- 
tioning on the part of our missionary subscribers. On another 
occasion the proprietress of a resort in the "Kiangsi Road" (red 
light) district sent out an engraved invitation to a selected list 
of the town's bachelors announcing a reception to meet some 
new recruits who had recently arrived from San Francisco. The 
notice fell into the hands of a Chinese reporter, who put it in 
the society column, causing a commotion among the town's 
housewives. But this was only part of the education of a new 

While getting out sample columns illustrating our different 
fonts of type for heads, text, and advertisements, I made a sur- 
vey of our field and tried to pick out a typical reader 
obviously a difficult task in Shanghai, where the Anglo-Ameri- 
can community at that time numbered probably no more than 
8,000 or 10,000 individuals and was about equally divided be- 
tween business people and missionaries. I soon found that our 
possible readers were not confined to the American and British 
communities. There were several thousand other foreign resi- 
dents in Shanghai Scandinavians, Frenchmen, Germans, Rus- 
sians, Portuguese, Dutchmen, and a large population of Oriental 
Jews, most of them from Iraq, who had come to Shanghai many 
years previously by way of India. Several were fabulously rich. 
Many of the foreigners could read English and were anxious 
to see a paper containing American news and editorial comment. 
I discovered, however, that the largest English-reading group 
of all was the younger generation of Chinese, the intellectuals, 
graduates and undergraduates of mission and municipal schools, 

so THIS is SHANGHAI! 13 

who were just beginning to take an interest in outside world 
affairs. They were tremendously concerned by the World War, 
and, like everybody else, were deeply anxious to find out what 
America was going to do about the war and a number of other 
things. For the first time I began to realize the importance of 
America's position in world affairs. All these people were study- 
ing the English language, and I soon discovered that hundreds 
of students were using the Review as a textbook. We constantly 
received letters inquiring about the meaning of words, particu- 
larly when we had given them an American twist. 

These bright young Chinese college and middle-school grad- 
uates, including many young women, were employed in the 
offices of the large foreign and Chinese trading houses, factories, 
banks, newspaper offices, on the faculties and staffs of colleges 
and universities, and in the professions and in government 
offices. Old-time officials and executives were helpless without 
these young modern educated assistants. 

I always credited myself with being the first foreign editor 
in China to discover the young English-reading Chinese sub- 
scriber. I promoted the organization of study clubs and classes 
in current events in the colleges and universities, the members 
of which subscribed for our paper in dozen or even in hundred 
lots. I taught a course in journalism in one of the colleges myself, 

I also discovered another class of reader, most important for 
any paper in the Far East. He was the "out-port" subscriber 
who lived in some out-of-the-way place and might be a mis- 
sionary, a buyer of native products for some coastal import and 
export house, or a salesman in some interior town for a foreign 
cigarette house or oil company. Again he might be a British, 
American, Scandinavian, or what-not customs officer stationed 
at some frontier point, or he might even be a lighthouse tender 
"gone native" on some lonely island off the coast. These people 
were hungry for "something to read," and they lived out of the 
advertising pages. One not-to-be-forgotten subscriber was an 
Englishman who was captain of a tramp steamer that touched at 


Shanghai only once In six months. He would visit the office and 
take his half-year's supply of papers in a bundle to the ship. 
Then he would place them carefully in a pile in his stateroom 
and 'have his cabin boy bring one copy, the oldest, every morn- 
ing as he ate his breakfast. Nothing could Induce him to change 
the routine, not even news of a major engagement on the 
western front. 

But the typical subscriber! Never was an editor more sorely 
tried in attempting to picture in his mind a typical subscriber 
a combination American, Briton, Continental European, Chi- 
nese intellectual, businessman, missionary, what not. I gave it 
up and decided to print the kind of paper that anyone could 
pick up with assurance of finding a fairly complete story of 
what had happened In our local, national, and international Far 
Eastern world. In deciding on the relative importance of hap- 
penings in the international field I always kept in mind the fact 
that since Shanghai was one of the world's largest ports there 
were as many people interested in business, financial, and eco- 
nomic news as there were Interested in politics or religion. This 
was in 1917, before there was a Newsweek, Reader's Digest, or 
Time to serve as a model But we did have the Literary Digest, 
the New Republic of Walter Llppmann and Herbert Croly, and 
later the Nation of Oswald Garrison Vlllard. We had permis- 
sion to follow the general form of the New Republic, then 
regarded as the most attractive paper, typographically, in 
America. However, we differed from the New Republic as to 
content, as we printed more 8-point matter, consisting of news 
reports and contributed articles dealing with political, com- 
mercial, and financial subjects more along the line of the English 
economic reviews. 

An advance notice mailed to prospective subscribers brought 
In more than a thousand subscription orders, most of them ac- 
companied by checks. It seemed that we had a field! 

Work started in earnest on the first number, which we de- 
cided to publish on June 2, 1917. Several days prior to the date 

so THIS is SHANGHAI! 15 

for which issuance of Vol. i, No. i was scheduled, I happened 
to meet one of the officials of the United States Court for China, 
the presiding judge at that time being Charles S. Lobingier, from 
Nebraska. The court official told me confidentially that the 
judge was working on an important decision, and we might be 
able to obtain a scoop for our first edition if we would hold 
off publication for a week. I investigated, and decided the delay 
was justified which explained why the first issue of MttlarcTs 
Review of the Far East happened to be dated June 9, the second 
Saturday of the month, instead of June 2, the first Saturday, as 
originally intended. 

Judge Lobingier's decision was a momentous one and caused 
unexpected repercussions, one being the undying hatred of an 
influential group of local promoters headed by an American 
named Frank J. Raven. This hatred was directed not only at 
the judge of the court but at our paper, which had published 
the exclusive report of the decision. The case involved the 
refusal of the court to permit Raven and his associates to 
incorporate the American-Oriental Banking Corporation, a 
private bank, under the regulations of the court. Aside 
from the legal elements involved, the judge's decision re- 
ferred to the necessity of preventing "loose and reckless in- 
corporation" by Americans in their commercial activities in 

Dating back to the American occupation of the Philippines, 
Shanghai had served as headquarters for American get-rich- 
quick operators and adventurers. Most of this gentry had gone 
to the Philippines following the occupation, but had been forced 
to get out by the first Civil Governor, William Howard Taft. 
Being unable to operate in the British Colony of Hong Kong, 
most of them came to Shanghai, where there were no restric- 
tions. As a result Shanghai became the base of operation for 
salesmen of fake jewelry, worthless stocks, patent medicines, 
dangerous drugs, etc. One group had promoted an insurance 
company with the object of unloading the stock on rich Chinese 
in Malaya, and were astonished when Chinese business flowed 


in and the company unexpectedly became prosperous and 

Raven had come to China from California and obtained a 
position in the Public Works Department of the municipal 
government of the International Settlement. He worked in the 
department long enough to obtain information regarding new 
road extensions, then resigned and organized a real estate com- 
pany. Using his inside knowledge of the location of new roads 
and streets, the company successfully promoted a new subdi- 
vision which it called "Columbia Circle." With this start the 
company branched into various promotional activities, including 
the organization of the American-Oriental Banking Corpora- 
tion, Raven Trust Company, American Finance Company, and 
various other enterprises, retail and industrial, all of a specula- 
tive character. Shares in the various enterprises were widely sold 
to Chinese and foreigners, and the banks launched an intensive 
drive for deposits in the missionary community and among 
foreign residents* of the Settlement. 

Although distrusted by responsible businessmen and bankers, 
Raven promoted his "Wallingford" enterprises by clever adver- 
tising and came to exercise considerable influence in local affairs, 
on occasion even dominating official policies of the American 
Consul and Minister. His enterprises finally collapsed like the 
proverbial house of cards, resulting in widespread losses in the 
foreign and Chinese communities. Some of the mission boards 
lost large sums which they had invested in Raven's securities, 
and thousands of depositors in the American-Oriental Bank, 
trust company and finance company lost their nest eggs. Most 
serious were losses suffered in the Russian and other non- Amer- 
ican communities which were led by Raven's high-powered 
publicity to believe that the American flag with which he so 
copiously decorated his literature guaranteed security for the 
capital and high rate of interest he paid on deposits. Raven's 
activities had much to do in discrediting the system of extrater- 
ritoriality, as he had taken advantage of its provisions to build 
up his house of cards. 

so THIS is SHANGHAI! 17 

The I^st chapter in Raven's activities was written in 1935, 
in the form of a heavy sentence for the promoter and two or 
three of his associates in the United States Court for China at 
Shanghai. The judge who convicted Raven was Milton J. 
Helmick of New Mexico, and the special prosecutor who un- 
raveled the tangled web of Raven's promotional activities was 
George Sellett of Illinois, who went to China as a professor in 
the Shanghai Law College, which was established by American 


An International City 

I HAD NOT REALIZED, as I went ashore at -Shanghai that Febru- 
ary day in 1917, that the jetties and godowns which lined both 
banks of the Whangpoo River for many miles had once re- 
sounded to the shouts of American sailors as they loaded and 
unloaded cargoes from sailing ships which had made the long 
voyage around the Horn, up the west coast of both Americas 
to Vancouver Island and the Aleutians for cargoes of furs, and 
then across the Pacific, perhaps by way of Hawaii, to the coast 
of Asia. 

There was a long period in the first half of the nineteenth 
century when the trade of Canton, Manila, and Shanghai, as well 
as shipping along the China coast and on the Yangtze River, was 
dominated by a famous Yankee firm, Russell and Company. The 
old godowns of this company, resembling blockhouses because 
of their solid construction, still extended along the Shanghai 
Bund, or river-bank street, fronting the French Concession and 
the native Nantao area for several blocks. Founded about 1818 
by Samuel Russell of Middletown, Connecticut, this firm, with 
its head office in Boston, did more business in China than any 
other American house and contributed materially, with its trade 
and profits, to the economic well-being of the infant American 
Republic, which was having hard going following the disrup- 
tion of its political and economic ties with Great Britain. 

Russell and Company began to decline in the middle of the 
century, and as a consequence of serious financial reverses 
suffered as a result of the American Civil War and the Taiping 
Rebellion in China (1848-1865) it was forced to sell its various 
properties and retire from business in 1877. Its large fleet in 



China waters and its extensive property holdings in all Chinese 
ports were taken over by the Chinese Government and in- 
corporated into the China Merchants Steam Navigation Com- 
pany. This company continued in operation up to the outbreak 
of the China-Japan war in 1937, when most of the ships and 
much of the property were taken over by William P. Hunt 
and Company, an American concern, in order to prevent 
seizure by the Japanese. However, all of the valuable properties 
of the company passed into Japanese hands following Pearl 

Shanghai, more than any other Oriental port, showed the 
results of early American influence. Shanghai owed its curious 
form of international municipal administration to an early 
American merchant consul named Cunningham, who in 1852 
put up the American flag in the British Concession and claimed 
equal rights despite the protests of the indignant British Consul. 
The Chinese, embarrassed by the row among the foreigners, 
sought to settle it by offering the Americans a concession of 
equal size north of Soochow Creek on the northern border of 
the British Concession. Local Americans accepted the Chinese 
gift, and our mission boards established their offices and resi- 
dences in the area, which was 'known as Hongkew. But Wash- 
ington refused to ratify the deal, declaring it was contrary to 
our policy to assume jurisdiction over Chinese territory. When 
the Americans at Shanghai learned that their government had 
turned them down, they induced the Chinese to permit the 
amalgamation of Hongkew with the British area south of 
Soochow Creek, and thus the "International" Settlement came 
into being. Later another area known as Yangtzepoo was added, 
and in time the section "north of the creek," originally regarded 
as slums, became the richest industrial area in China. The British 
and later the Japanese established their cotton mills in that 
section, as it was adjacent to canal and river transportation, but, 
of more importance, it was even closer to vast pools of cheap, 
skillful, industrious, and generally docile Chinese labor. Most 


of the modem industrial development which the Americans 
brought to Shanghai, including a modern power plant, also went 
into the Hongkew area. 

Chinese industrial establishments, which exceeded in num- 
ber and importance those of the foreigners at Shanghai in the 
past decade, were located chiefly in the Chapei section adjoining 
Hongkew. Here too was located the famous Commercial Press, 
rated as one of the largest and most complete printing establish- 
ments in the world, and the most advanced industrial enterprise 
in the Orient in the treatment of its thousands of laborers. 

Shanghai in 1917, from the standpoint of modern develop- 
ment, reminded one of an American country town, despite the 
fact it was one of the world's leading seaports. Shanghai was 
listed among the first half dozen ports of the world in ocean- 
borne merchandise which crossed its wharves, but the major 
part of the tonnage was not carried by sea-going craft; it was 
carried on native Chinese junks which plied the eastern seas 
from Vladivostok to Singapore. Shanghai, early in 1917, had 
more than a million and a half people but did not have a single 
paved street. It had a small electric light plant, which belonged 
to the municipality, and a primitive telephone system, owned 
by the subscribers. The telephone system was operated with 
cumbersome instruments made in Sweden, which required per- 
sistent cranking in order to get the operator. Once there were 
international complications when an exasperated American busi- 
nessman, whose conversation was repeatedly interrupted, tore 
his telephone off the wall and threw it out of the window 
into the street. The manager of the telephone company, who 
was British, refused to install a new phone in the American's 
office. The American then appealed to the American Consul and 
charged discrimination and violation of treaty rights tinder the 
Open Door doctrine. Friends finally intervened, and the Ameri- 
can's phone was restored without the matter being referred to 
the State Department and the British Foreign Office, 

Both the telephone company and the power plant were later 


purchased by Americans and modernized, but when I made my 
first visit to the office of the electricity department in the 
municipal building, to have lights installed at my office, I had 
my first glimpse of a "punkah" fan. The punkah was said to 
have been invented in India; it consisted of a large oblong bam- 
boo frame, covered with cheesecloth fringed at the bottom and 
suspended from the ceiling by cords. Another cord attached 
to the frame extended through a hole in the wall to a courtyard, 
where a native servant kept the punkah in motion by pulling 
the cord back and forth. Frequently the coolie would fall asleep 
at his task. It did not seem incongruous to local residents or to 
members of the electricity department that the offices were 
cooled by punkahs. I was told that electric fans were unhealthy 
and caused pneumonia and stomach trouble. Almost everyone 
wore a "stomacher" or wide woolen band about his middle next 
to his skin, even in warmest weather, in order to ward off 
stomach ailments supposedly caused by breezes chilling one's 

The picture of Shanghai in 1917 would not be complete with- 
out an account of the local fire department, which was a 
"volunteer" organization* Firemen, aside from a few native 
assistants, were all members of the European community and 
served without pay. The equipment had been imported from 
England in earlier years, and resembled museum pieces. But the 
department made up in picturesqueness for what it lacked in 
modernity. I had not been in Shanghai very long before I was 
awakened one night by a fire alarm in one of the densely popu- 
lated sections near the hotel. I dressed and ran to the fire, along 
with the rest of the native and foreign population, and was 
astonished to find that most of the firemen were attired in full 
evening dress and were running about carrying hoses, with their 
black coat-tails flapping in the breeze and their white shirt fronts 
and ties besmeared with soot. As the native assistants wore 
regulation firemen's uniforms, including brass helmets which 
would have been the envy of a Latin American policeman, I was 
puzzled by the formal dress of the young Britishers who made 


up most of the fire-fighting crew. I learned that the fire had 
occurred on the eve of an English national holiday, when most 
of the members of the community were attending a formal 
dinner and dance at the Shanghai Club. Since there was no time 
to change, all of the members of the department hurried to the 
fire in their evening clothes. I was assured that the municipality 
assumed responsibility for cleaning, pressing, laundry, and repair 
bills which resulted from fighting a fire in formal attire. The 
department's slogan carved in enduring stone over the front 
door of the central building was, "We Fight the Flames." 

The fire department was the butt of numerous jokes in the 
foreign community. It was charged that the firemen often 
showed partiality when the property happened to be owned by 
someone who was not popular in the community. Allegedly 
they would take their time in fighting such fires, and usually 
there was little left of the property when they got through with 
it. In kter years, after the American insurance companies dis- 
covered Shanghai, there was agitation for a modern fire depart- 
ment which resulted in a hot fight, as the old department was 
a social institution with membership strictly confined to 
"taipans" (managers) or juniors in the large British firms. How- 
ever, progress triumphed, particularly as insurance premiums 
were exorbitant largely because of the primitive conditions of 
the fire-fighting apparatus. 

For protection against internal and external foes Shanghai 
depended upon a Volunteer Corps of local militia which was 
made up of companies representing the various national groups, 
including the Chinese, who resided in the International Settle- 
ment, Thus there were companies of American, British, Scottish, 
Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese national groups, and other 
contingents including the Scandinavians, and other smaller 
European groups. The Shanghai Volunteer Corps probably was 
the first "kternational" police force. Since the British community 
was the largest, its companies, including the Scottish contingent 
in native kilts, were the most numerous. The Americans had 
three companiesinfantry, mounted, and machine gun and 


there was a company of Filipinos who served under American 
officers. These units, which totaled probably twelve or fifteen 
hundred men, were made up chiefly of employees of the large 
foreign firms in Shanghai. In later years, after conditions became 
disturbed, Shanghai became a "garrison town," and large bodies 
of foreign troops were stationed there for protective purposes, 
but the fact that the Settlement could be protected by an in- 
ternational volunteer regiment of only 1,500 men was indicative 
of the generally peaceful conditions which prevailed in the 
lower Yangtze Valley region at that time. The Volunteer Corps, 
like the fire department, also took the complexion of a social 
organization, and the annual dinners of the various units were 
gala events. 

The United States, Britain, Japan, France, and occasionally 
Spain, Italy, and Portugal, kept destroyers stationed in the 
Whangpoo, estuary of the Yangtze which served Shanghai as a 
harbor, but the sailors were seldom landed and always were 
withdrawn to the gunboats after the particular trouble had 

In the weeks following my arrival I learned of many amusing 
beliefs and customs of the European community, which had 
lived in comparative isolation for decades. One was that window 
screens, along with electric fans, were regarded as "unhealthy." 
Shanghai at that time was crisscrossed by numerous canals which 
at low tide had the consistency of spinach soup and served as 
breeding places for clouds of mosquitoes. Beds had to be en- 
closed in mosquito nets suspended from the ceiling. The swarms 
of mosquitoes were reduced somewhat by the generous use of 
burning punk, made from wood, finely ground, scented, and 
pressed into sticks or coils. Another method was for a servant 
to walk about, spraying the ankles of the family and guests with 
a solution of kerosene. A missionary of an inventive frame of 
mind supplied his family and guests with oblong bags of muslin 
which were drawn on over the feet and tied securely above the 
knees. The use of "mosquito bags" became general and they 


were sold in the local English stores. An American friend who 
once spent the night at my home woke up in the morning with 
the soles of Ms feet so irritated that he could hardly walk. A 
servant explained the mystery: "Master very tall man and feet 
stick against net." Later the mosquito menace was considerably 
reduced by filling the canals and ponds, and still later the 
municipality caused all open drains to be sprayed with an oil 
solution, which practically eliminated the insects. However, 
there stiH remained the flies, which feasted on the piles of gar- 
bage that accumulated in the alleys and back yards. 

As these conditions prevailed in the "foreign" sections, the 
situation was worse in the surrounding Chinese areas, particu- 
larly in the congested areas occupied by the poorer classes. 
Typhoid, cholera, dysentery, and other germ diseases were so 
prevalent that one wondered what prevented the entire popula- 
tion from being swept away by epidemics. The universal Chi- 
nese habit of drinking hot tea or boiled water was credited by 
the doctors with chief responsibility for preventing the spread 
of epidemics. However, among both foreigners and Chinese the 
number of deaths from intestinal ailments was startling. A mis- 
sionary organization undertook a campaign to teach sanitation, 
emphasizing the dangers of the house-fly in the spread of dis- 
ease. The promoters of the campaign prepared a set of charts 
and illustrations showing the facts of life in the fly family. Large 
lithographic posters in colors were put up about the lecture halls 
where talks on sanitation were given, and on billboards about 
the city showing flies enlarged to huge proportions in the pic- 
tures in order to give emphasis, walking about garbage cans and 
then strolling with their dirty feet over food intended for human 
consumption. One day after the campaign had been in progress 
for some time one of the missionary doctors saw a group of 
country women talking excitedly while pointing at one of the 
illustrated posters. The woman was saying, "No wonder the 
Americans are afraid of flies, if they grow so big in their 
country; fortunately our flies are small and are not dangerous." 

Today Shanghai is one of the few large cities outside the 


United States which contain American-style skyscraper hotels, 
office and apartment buildings, but three decades ago the tallest 
buildings in the Settlement did not exceed five or six stories, and 
only one or two had elevators or "lifts." All were located on 
the Bund. Between these buildings and the river was a parkway 
where most of the foreign population took its recreational walks 
on summer evenings. The municipal orchestra gave concerts in 
the park on Saturday evenings, which were attended by prac- 
tically the entire foreign community. At that time no Chinese 
was admitted to any municipal park in the foreign area. How- 
ever, the foreigner's exclusive enjoyment of his parks was not 
entirely without hazard, for in addition to the mosquitoes the 
trees were filled with flocks of raucous crows which competed 
with the orchestra for attention. The crows were no respecters 
of dignity, and I often suspected them of "anti-foreignism," as 
they seemed to select for desecration the best-dressed women 
and the whitest linen suits of the men. The Municipal Council 
finally offered a bounty for the heads of the crows, which 
enabled a small army of Chinese boys to earn handsome fees by 
trapping them wholesale. The Council, however, had to abolish 
the bounty when it was discovered that crows were being 
secretly raised by would-be collectors. 

One park, known as the Bund Garden, became a serious 
political issue in Sino-foreign politics due to a sign erected over 
the gateway containing the regulations for the use of the garden. 
Among the regulations warning against picking flowers 01 
destroying the property were two special items, one of which 
stated that dogs could not be taken into the park and another, 
further down the list, reading "No Chinese, excepting wort 
coolies, are admitted." Later when trouble between the for- 
eigners and Chinese developed, student agitators made effective 
use of the slogan, "Dogs and Chinese Not Admitted." 

Shanghai consisted of three distinct political units: Interna- 
tional Settlement, French Concession, and Chinese City. The 
International Settlement had three important subdivisions 


Hongkew, Yaogtzepoo, and Western District where most of 
the foreigners lived. The French Concession consisted of a nar- 
row strip squeezed in between the International Settlement and 
the ancient Chinese Gty. When the International Settlement 
Administration was created the French refused to participate, 
and established their own municipality. The so-called Western 
Residential District, which in 1937, following Japanese occupa- 
tion, became one of the most notorious gambling and night-club 
"hot spots" in the world, was, in 1917, largely open country 
containing a few isolated Chinese villages. 

The only tax which resident foreigners as well as Chinese in 
the Settlement had to pay was a "land tax" based on rental value. 
If the property was rented, one paid from 10 per cent to 15 per 
cent of the rental value in taxes. Thus if one paid rent amounting 
to $100 a month, taxes amounted to $10 a month or $120 a year. 
Property which was not improved paid practically no taxes. The 
system under which the renters of houses were forced to pay the 
bulk of the taxes was imported from England when the Settle- 
ment was established, and although later changed in England, 
was never changed in Shanghai. The taxation system which 
placed the burden of the taxes upon the renter rather than the 
property owner also became a serious political issue between 
the Chinese and foreigners. 

Shanghai streets were paved with a mixture of broken stones 
and clay. Chinese street laborers kept the streets in order by 
first tamping in the broken stone and then filling the crevices 
with a sloppy solution of clay of the consistency of rich cream. 
The section would then be fenced off until the mud dried suffi- 
ciently for a coolie-propelled roller to smooth the surface. It 
made a fairly good pavement until the next rain, when all the 
clay would be washed out and the job had to be done over 
again. But labor was cheap, and fresh mud was plentiful; besides, 
some contractor made a good thing out of it. 

The International Settlement possessed no sewage disposal 
system or modern plumbing, except in one or two new buildings 
located on the Bund. Modern flush toilets were regarded, along 


with screens and electric fans, as "unhealthy." Bathrooms were 
equipped with round earthenware tubs in which one sat upright 
to take a bath, and with sanitary devices known as "commodes 5 ' 
which consisted of a square wooden box with a hole in the top 
and an earthenware chamber pot. The house boys collected the 
pots in the mornings and derived a considerable income by 
selling the contents to the farmers for use as fertilizer. The 
International Settlement Administration also collected ordure 
and sold it to contractors, who in turn sold it to the farmers and 
gardeners of the surrounding countryside. Complaints often 
were made that the sale of such fertilizer was detrimental to 
public health, but the council refused to listen to the complaints 
because it received an annual revenue of about $100,000 
(US$5o,ooo) from the sale. The farmers spread this on their 
crops with long-handled ladles, the process being called "feed- 
ing" the plants. The custom was not restricted to China, but 
prevailed also in Japan and in some European countries. The 
larger earthenware pots which Chinese farmers used as contain- 
ers for the fertilizer probably were responsible for the phrase 
"stink-pots of Asia" which appeared in Marco Polo's descrip- 
tion of his travels in Cathay more than six centuries ago. 

Sun Ya1>sen and Yuan SMh-kai 

AT THE TIME OF MY ARRIVAL In Shanghai, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the 
founder and leader of the Kuomintang, was residing in the 
French Concession, in a modest little house on Rue Moliere 
which served the double purpose of a home for himself and 
Madame Sun (Ching-Ling Soong), and an office from which he 
directed his far-flung political activities. 

Today one hears serious criticism of the one-party Kuomin- 
tang dictatorship at Chungking, but a study of the early strug- 
gles of the Kuomintang shows that this leading Chinese party 
is justified in its claim for consideration as one of the world's 
great political parties. It originated in a secret society founded 
by Dr. Sun Yat-sen in the little Portuguese settlement of Macao 
near Hong Kong, where he had gone to practice medicine, after 
his graduation in 1892 from the newly formed medical school 
in Hong Kong. He was soon forced by the Portuguese Govern- 
ment to leave Macao, and when he returned home to Canton 
he attempted to form a branch of the society there, but the 
authorities became suspicious and he was again forced to leave. 
Some of his associates were captured and executed, but he him- 
self was able to escape to Hong Kong and from there abroad. 

Being a courageous and persistent youth, he continued his 
activities among Chinese natives outside of China. Chinese resi- 
dents abroad contributed to the revolutionary cause consid- 
erable sums which Sun Yat-sen used to good effect among dis- 
affected elements, even in circles close to the Imperial Court 
in Peking. While in London in 1896 he was kidnaped by offi- 
cials of the Chinese Legation and confined in a secret room 



by his captors, who planned to send him back to China, where 
a reward of $250,000 had been offered for his apprehension. 
Sun was able to smuggle out a note to his friend, Dr. James 
Cantiie, head of Hong Kong University, who happened to be 
in London at the time. Dr. Cantlie, who sympathized with the 
earnest young revolutionist, informed the British authorities and 
the London newspapers of the high-handed action of the lega- 
tion officials, and as a result pressure was brought to obtain his 
release. Since it was now impossible for Win to return to China 
or even to the British Colony of Hong Kong, he continued his 
revolutionary activities against the Manchu Government in 
other countries. 

While in Japan in 1905 he succeeded in uniting the various 
factions of the anti-dynastic movement into a formidable 
revolutionary society which he named the Tung Meng Hui 
(China Brotherhood Society). By this time his revolutionary 
program had gone beyond the mere overthrow of the corrupt 
Manchu Government, and was concentrating on definite plans 
for a new China. These plans and the principles on which they 
were based provided the theoretical foundation for the present- 
day Kuomintang Party and the "Constitution of the Five 
Powers" which formed the basis of the National Government 
organized two decades later at Nanking. In 1905 he was al- 
ready working toward the concept of a Chinese nation based on 
nationalistic and democratic principles, and the newly organ- 
ized society came out boldly for a Chinese republic and an 
equitable distribution of land. 

Although revolutionary propaganda spread by Dr. Sun and 
his followers had exercised great influence, there were other 
forces at work which hastened the collapse of the Ching (or 
Manchu) Empire. These elements were official corruption and 
inefficiency, wretched conditions of the people, internal un- 
rest, and foreign pressure. Sensing too late the drift of affairs, 
the Manchu Court had hastily attempted to institute reforms, 
but the reforms were unpopular and had already precipitated 
the Boxer Rebellion of 1900, which was originally directed 


against the throne but which Tsu Hsi, the Empress Dowager, 
had cleverly turned against the foreigners. 

The revolutionary movement was gathering strength 
throughout China, supported by funds which Sun Yat-sen 
was busily engaged in raising throughout the world. Numerous 
uprisings in various parts 6f the country were promptly put 
down by the imperial forces. On March 29, 1910, Dr. Sun 
Yat-sen made a further attempt to organize a revolt in Canton, 
but again failed. On this occasion there was a major tragedy, 
for seventy-two of his followers were caught and executed at 
Yellow Flower Hill. The names of these martyrs today have 
an exalted place in the annals of the revolution. The leaven was 
beginning to work; unrest was growing all over the country. 

Leaving an associate, General Huang Hsing, in charge, Dr. 
Sun Yat-sen hurried to the United States to raise more funds for 
the cause. While he was in San Francisco a delegation of small 
Cantonese merchants called on him and offered to close their 
businesses and return to China to fight in the revolution. Dr. Sun 
asked one how much he earned. The man, operator of a small 
laundry, said he had an income of $18 a week. Dr. Sun asked 
him if he could live on $12 a week. The man replied in the 
affirmative. Dr. Sun then said, "We have plenty of man-power, 
but we need money. You remain here and continue your busi- 
ness, but contribute $6 a week to the revolution." 

Dr. Sun Yat-sen was in Denver, Colorado, in October, 1911, 
when he received a cable from General Huang Hsing telling 
him that the government troops in Wuchang, important city 
on the Yangtze (now part of the Wu-Han, or Wuchang- 
Hankow-Hanyang municipality), were ready to revolt. As Dr. 
Sun was on the other side of the world, there was considerable 
confusion, and several revolutionary leaders were executed. But 
this only spurred the rebels to greater effort and as a result the 
troops, which had been bought over, rebelled against the Vice- 
roy and he was forced to flee to a foreign concession. 

The Viceroy tried to induce the foreign consular authorities 
to use their Yangtze gunboats to suppress the revolt, but Dr. 


Sun's propaganda abroad had borne fruit. The French and Rus- 
sian Consuls supported the republicans at a meeting of the con- 
sular body which had been invoked by the Manchu Viceroy. 

When Dr. Sun was advised by cable regarding the situation, 
he hurried to Washington where he conferred with officials and 
then sailed for London where he urged the British authorities 
to follow a three-point policy toward China: ( i ) No loans were 
to be advanced by British banks to the Manchu Government; 
(2) an order against Dr. Sun's residence in Hong Kong, Singa- 
pore, Penang, or other British colonies in the Far East was to be 
canceled; (3) Britain would cooperate with the United States 
in preventing Japan from interfering in the revolution. 

Dr. Sun Yat-sen returned to China on January 5, 1912. He 
called his faithful followers together at Shanghai and proceeded 
to Nanking, where he took the oath of office as provisional 
President of the new republic at the request of the National 
Convention in Nanking. 

Prior to the collapse of the Empiire the Manchu Court had 
called to its assistance a promising military politician, named 
Yuan Shih-kai, who helped reorganize the army. He had been 
dismissed shortly after the deaths of the Emperor Kuang Hsu 
and the Empress Dowager in 1908 and the accession of the 
infant Hsuan T'ung to the throne, but as the outstanding mili- 
tary leader he was frantically recalled when the revolution 
broke out. But his heart was not in the imperial cause, for after 
a successful show of authority at Hankow, which was retaken 
and burned, he began negotiations with the revolutionary forces. 
On February 12, 1912, the Manchus abdicated, having been 
convinced by Yuan Shih-kai that their cause was hopeless; and 
negotiations between Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Yuan Shih-kai con- 
tinued. A few days later Dr. Sun Yat-sen yielded to the superior 
military force which Yuan Shih-kai controlled, and resigned the 
presidency in favor of Yuan Shih-kai. 

A provisional constitution was adopted by the Republican 
Government at Nanking in March, 1912, placing the President 
under the control of Parliament, which when assembled proved 


to be dominated by members of the Knomintang. Dr. Sun Yat- 
sen and his followers retired to Shanghai, and Yuan Shih-kai 
moved the capital back to the ancient city of the Manchus at 
Peking, where the atmosphere was anything but favorable for 
a democratic form of government. 

In 1913 Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his followers led the opposition 
against President Yuan Shih-kai, who was negotiating loans with 
English, French, German and Russian bankers and which the 
republican group felt would be used to augment Yuan's per- 
sonal military power, while placing him under further obliga- 
tion to foreign nations. When active rebellion broke out in the 
south due to changes in military command which Yuan Shih- 
kai had inaugurated to increase his personal power, it was ruth- 
lessly put down by the government forces, and Dr. Sun Yat- 
sen, who had supported the movement, was forced to flee to 
Japan. He took with him, among others, Charles Jones Soong, 
a printer of Christian missionary tracts and Chinese revolu- 
tionary literature, and Soong's daughter, Chingling, who had 
been acting since his return to China as his confidential secre- 
tary. While still in Japan in 1915, Dr. Sun Yat-sen divorced his 
wife and married Chingling, thus bringing about a union of the 
famous Sun-Soong, and later, Kung families. 

In November of 1913 Yuan Shih-kai had unseated the 
Kuomintang members of the Parliament, and two months later 
he dissolved it entirely. Yuan, who had been motivated through- 
out by a growing personal ambition, attempted in 1915 to re- 
store the monarchy with himself as Emperor. China was not 
yet ready for the republicanism of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, but neither 
would it countenance a return of an imperial form of govern- 
ment. Yuan Shih-kai, who had not yet had himself formally en- 
throned, rescinded the imperial referendum, and died of disease 
and chagrin on June 6, 1916. The presidency was assumed by 
Li Yuan-hung, who had held the office of Vice President since 
the beginning of the republican regime, and who had actively 
opposed Yuan's attempt to restore the monarchy. Parliament 
was recalled, Tuan Chi-jui continuing as Premier, since he was 


liked by the military forces which Yuan Shih-kai had built tip 
in support of the Government. 

After the death of Yuan Shih-kai, Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his 
wife had returned to Shanghai, and soon after my arrival I 
arranged an interview with him. I was met at the door by a 
colorful character named Maurice Cohen who had come to 
the Far East by way of New York, Chicago, and Canada and 
who served as Dr. Sun's personal bodyguard. Cohen always sat 
on a bench in the front hall and carried a large revolver in his 
hip pocket, which caused the seat of his trousers to sag gro- 
tesquely. His title of "General," which was later conferred on 
him by a grateful Canton Government, was the subject of fre- 
quent puns in the local English newspapers, but Cohen was a 
faithful watchdog and was credited with saving Dr. Sun, on 
several occasions, from assassination. He ushered me into an 
adjoining room overlooking the garden, where I was introduced 
to China's revolutionary leader. 

Dr. Sun, then 51 years old, with thinning front hair and 
graying mustache, was wearing traditional native costume, a 
long gown of light material, which gave him an impressive 
appearance as he stood in meditative mood looking out of the 
window toward the garden. 

After an exchange of greetings, Dr. Sun inquired about my 
trip to China. He was interested in my description of Honolulu, 
where he had attended school and where he later resided as a 
political refugee. The conversation shifted to Japan, when I 
told him of my experiences at Nagasaki, and this led to a spirited 
discussion of current Japanese activities, as Japan was then in 
occupation of the Chinese port of Tsingtao, from which she 
had evicted the little German garrison after the outbreak of the 
war in Europe. But the Japanese had not stopped with the 
occupation of the formerly German-controlled port. Taking 
advantage of the preoccupation of Great Britain and America 
in the war, the Japanese were busily extending their influence 
throughout Manchuria and North China. 


Turning to me, Dr. Son exclaimed, in an accusing tone, 
"The United States should have put Japan out of Korea" 

Noticing the puzzled look on my face, Dr. Sun explained 
rather sadly that the United States had a treaty with Korea in 
which we had promised to protect the Hermit Kingdom in the 
event It was attacked by a foreign country. But we had not 
lived up to our commitment when Korea was attacked and later 
annexed by Japan. He said, "Had America acted promptly and 
energetically, Japan would have been prevented from obtaining 
her first foothold on the continent." Korea, which Japan had 
originally described as a spear pointed at her heart from the 
continent, now served, following her occupation of the penin- 
sula, as a convenient bridge to the continent, stated Dr. Sun. 
He held President Theodore Roosevelt largely responsible for 
America's failure to act in Korea's behalf, and said that Presi- 
dent Roosevelt was overanxious to bring about peace between 
Russia and Japan, and had sacrificed Korea in order to accom- 
plish that objective. 

As I knew practically nothing about the circumstances 
surrounding the Korean Incident, I did not discuss the question 
further, but I later had occasion to speculate upon Dr. Sun's 
statement that the United States should have "put Japan out 
of Korea." Japan was weak then, and a determined protest 
might have changed the course of history. 

Later I interviewed Dr* Sun again on the subject of China's 
participation In the war in Europe (World War I), to which 
he was strongly opposed. President Li Yuan-hung, a friend of 
Dr. Sun, also opposed China's participation in the war. Dr. Sun 
insisted there was no point in China's declaring war on Ger- 
many merely to take sides in a struggle, in which China had no 
direct interest. He declared that China's participation in a war 
to which the Kuomintang was opposed would precipitate seri- 
ous domestic dissension. He made the significant statement: 
"The Chinese people may not be able to distinguish between 
foreigners of diif erent nationalities and if the simple and honest 
people are taught to kill Teutons, they might be led to slaugh- 
ter all white foreigners in the country," 

of Civil War 

THUS WHEN OUR FIRST ISSUE of Millard's Review of the Far 
East appeared, on June 9, 1917, affairs in Peking were rapidly 
approaching a crisis. There were two fairly well defined politi- 
cal groups in the Government, one known as the Military or 
"Tuchuns' " Party, and the other the Liberal Party which 
was the Kuomintang. The Military Party was largely made tip 
of so-called Tuchuns, or military commanders of the various 
provinces and districts, chiefly in North China. With few excep- 
tions the Tuchuns had previously served as officers in the army 
of the late Yuan Shih-kai in the latter days of the Empire and 
the early days of the Republic. Generally they were men of 
abysmal ignorance and selfishness, whose power was based en- 
tirely upon the number of regiments they commanded or 
claimed to command. The Liberal Party had a majority in the 
Parliament, but, because of military weakness, had never been 
able to obtain control of the Government. President Li Yuan- 
hung, a Liberal, who had succeeded President Yuan Shih-kai, 
lacked actual power for the same reason. This had been the 
chief handicap of the Kuomintang leaders from the early days 
of the Republic, when Sun Yat-sen yielded his office to Yuan 

The political struggle in Peking had been triangular in that 
it involved the President, Li Yuan-hung; the Premier, General 
Tuan Chi-jui, who derived his power from the military or 
Tuchuns' group; and Parliament itself. The Review explained in 
an editorial on the political situation that there was little in the 
contest between the Peking Parliament and the executive 



branches of the Government to distinguish it in principle 
from similar contests in other countries, as the struggle was 
as old as democratic government anywhere. The struggles in- 
volved the usual disputes over rights, precedents, powers, and 
privileges, questions which have not been settled today, even in 
the most advanced democracies. These struggles were more 
complicated in China because the Government did not enjoy 
complete sovereignty. Furthermore it was functioning under 
a temporary constitution, of disputed legality. Frequently the 
more progressive Chinese officials in desperation would go to 
their foreign friends in Peking for advice, but the advice they 
received usually was flavored by the selfish interest of the 
adviser and his associates. 

The principal issue at stake was that of China's entry into 
the World War. Tuan Chi-jui, the Premier, who favored 
China's participation in the war, and the Liberal or Kuomin- 
tang block in Parliament were at a deadlock. To resolve this 
situation President Li Yuan-hung had dismissed Premier Tuan 
on May 23, and Tuan immediately went to Tientsin, where he 
got in touch with reactionary military leaders and was stirring 
up revolt against the Peking Government. The departure of 
Tuan from Peking did little to relieve the political struggle 
and on June 13, 1917, four days after our first issue appeared, 
President Li Yuan-hung dismissed Parliament, on the advice 
of General Chang Hsun, to whom he had turned for support 
after the dismissal of Tuan Chi-jui. 

Early in the spring of 1917 the Military Party had called 
a conference in Peking, and since no one trusted his neighbor, 
each Tuchun took along with him a sizable bodyguard. Gen- 
eral Chang Hsun, who previously had been stationed at a small 
town on the Yangtze River opposite Nanking, was one of the 
military leaders who attended the conference. One of the stories 
told of him was that he once called a dozen military command- 
ers to a conference at his headquarters. The conference passed 
off smoothly, and was followed by the usual elaborate dinner 
given by the host. Suddenly and without warning the lights 


went out all over the compound, and there was deadly silence 
in the banquet room. When the lights were suddenly switched 
on, much to the embarrassment of those present, each held his 
revolver in his hand. 

Chang Hsun took a sizable force with him when he went 
to the military conference in Peking, and immediately after his 
arrival in the capital he distributed his troops in strategic posi- 
tions about the city, apparently without consulting his asso- 
ciates, and since the uniforms were similar his action attracted 
little attention. 

The Japanese were still sitting on China's doorstep, hoping 
to force the Chinese to accept Group 5 of the Twenty-one 
Demands presented in 1915, and the Germans were also active 
in protecting their vested interests and concessions, and were 
striving strenuously, but quietly, to prevent China from declar- 
ing war. 

This had been the scene at Peking in the spring of 1917, 
when the United States became worried over the prospect of 
civil war in China. In order to head off such an eventuality the 
State Department decided to send China a note deploring the 
danger of civil strife and pointing out that peace among China's 
political factions was of extreme importance to the world at 
that particular time. It was suggested that the maintenance of 
peace in China was even more important than the matter of an 
immediate declaration of war on Germany, toward which China 
was being pressed by Great Britain and France. America's 
friendly advice to the Chinese urging them to maintain domes- 
tic peace stirred up a tremendous commotion, particularly 
among the Japanese, who argued that it amounted to interfer- 
ence in the domestic affairs of the Chinese and should not have 
been undertaken without prior consultation with Japan. 

The Chinese themselves displayed no indignation at the 
receipt of the American note. The United States was just begin- 
ning, at that time, to expand commercially into the Far Eastern 
markets, and several bankers and engineers had arrived in 


Peking to discuss a railway and canal construction enterprise. 
The Japanese did not approve of these schemes either, unless 
they were undertaken in partnership with the Japanese. 

The Germans, while working strenuously to hold China 
out of the war, kept their activities well under cover. The first 
evidence of German activities became public unexpectedly in 
mid- June, 1917, when the American authorities arrested at 
Peking and deported to Manila a well known American 
missionary, Dr. Gilbert Reid, on the ground that he was in- 
volved in German propaganda. It developed that Reid had spon- 
sored a Chinese-language newspaper in Peking which later was 
used as an organ of German policy in China. The United States 
Government, however, took no action further than to deport 
Dr. Reid to Manila, where he was given his freedom. He imme- 
diately proceeded to write a book denouncing President Wilson 
and the United States Government and questioning the expedi- 
ency and wisdom, as well as morality, of trying to force China 
into the war against Germany. 

Chang Hsun had continued to increase, secretly, the forces 
which he had distributed in strategic locations about the city. 
Some of the Chinese papers contained reports that Chang Hsun 
was spending a great deal of time in the company of members 
of the deposed Manchu Dynasty. But aside from the parliamen- 
tary issue the chief subject of discussion in the press in the 
Far East continued to be the American note advising the Chi- 
nese to compose their domestic troubles peacefully because of 
the complicated international political situation. 

Chang Hsun was now ready for a trial of strength. Early on 
July i, the "Boy Emperor," a prisoner of the Republican Govern- 
ment, was removed from his residence in the Forbidden City 
and placed on the dragon throne in ancient ceremonial man- 
ner. The entire coup d'etat had been managed by Chang 
Hsun, using the troops he had secretly stationed about the city. 
It was not until many months afterward that disclosures were 
made indicating that the Germans had had a hand in the 
"restoration," their object, of course, being to embarrass the 


Republican Government, which they felt would ultimately 
succumb to allied pressure and declare war on them. The Ger- 
mans probably had paid the foxy Tuchun a considerable sum, 
as he had no regular source of revenue. 

Chang Hsun quickly discovered, however, that to restore 
the monarchy in China was one thing, but to keep it restored 
was another. Rival political elements ridiculed Chang Hsun's 
action, but it had a sobering effect upon the various liberal 
factions which had been squabbling among themselves over 
control of the machinery of government. There was no avail- 
able evidence that the Japanese were supporting the monarchial 

Henry Pu-yi, last Emperor of the Ching or Manchu Dy- 
nasty, had ruled in Peking from 1908 to 1912, under the reign 
tide of Hsuan T'uang. When Dr. Sun Yat-sen created the 
Republic at Nanking in 1911 he made the serious mistake of 
agreeing to permit the remnants of the Manchu Dynasty, 
including Henry Pu-yi, to remain within their quarters in the 
Imperial City as hostages of the Republic. That the arrange- 
ment was a serious error was proved in the Chang Hsun 

The restoration aroused widespread attention in foreign 
circles, but, much to everyone's surprise, it caused no great 
excitement among Chinese political leaders. Most of them 
realized that Chang Hsun, even though he had German finan- 
cial support, possessed neither the funds nor the intelligence 
necessary to put through a restoration program. As a result, 
Premier Tuan, with the assistance of troops supplied by the 
military faction, moved against Chang Hsun and overthrew 
the Boy Emperor, who had actually been on the throne about 
two weeks. As for the "king-maker" Chang Hsun, he fled to 
the Diplomatic Quarter for protection, first by the Dutch 
Minister and later by the German Legation. 

Even though the restoration scheme failed, the resulting 
situation left Chinese politics in a worse muddle than it was 
before the coup. The Review carried the following paragraph: 


The monarchy is gone and a good job too but it requires a 
political necromancer to figure out what exists in its place, except 
that it is a republic in name. By trying to follow a constitutional and 
legal reasoning, we get the following: The only basis for govern- 
ment in China is the provisional constitution adopted by Sun Yat-sen 
in Nanking in 1912. Under that constitution Li Yuan-hung is Presi- 
dent; Feng Kuo-chang is Vice-President, and there is a Parliament, 
which recently was dissolved at Peking and a majority of whosfc 
members are now in Shanghai or other places outside the recognized 
seat of government. Also there is, or was, a Ministry or Cabinet. 
The Ministry is nominated by the President and is supposed to be 
ratified by the Parliament. There is the framework now what, or 
who, are the Government of China? 

The Peking Cabinet, in order to curry favor with the Allies, 
issued a declaration of war against the Central Powers, on 
August 14, 1917. While China's participation in the war did 
not take the form of a dispatch of troops, China did perform 
a vital service in the military effort by dispatching thousands 
of laborers to the western front, where they built roads and 
harbor works, repaired railroads, and even dug trenches for 
the allied armies. In, addition China supplied many of her vital 
raw materials to the war effort in both the United States and 
Great Britain. 

China also discovered, contrary to Dr. Sun's belief, that 
the country did have an issue against Germany and Austria, 
and proceeded to cancel the extraterritorial rights of the two 
countries and seize their concessions at Tientsin. This action 
against Germany and Austria, plus Soviet Russia's later voluntary 
relinquishinent of her special treaty position, proved to be qf 
extraordinary importance, as it gave China a vantage point in 
her struggle against her "unequal" treaty status with respect 
to the other Powers, including her allies in the war, ^America 
and Great Britain. 

Evidence of important events to come was provided by a 
short item in the Peking Daily News in mid-July, 1917, stating 
that Dr. Sun Yat-sen, "who had been studying the parliamen- 
tary deadlock in Peking, had proceeded to the South, in connec- 


tion with a movement to organize a provisional government 
with the cooperation of political elements in Yunnan, Kwangsi 
and Kwangtung." 

This brief but significant item received further confirma- 
tion on July 28, when the Review published an editorial stating 
that Dr. Sun had definitely decided to proceed to Canton with 
the object of establishing a new Republic of China with him- 
self as President. The editorial stated that liberal leaders, includ- 
ing members of the former Peking Parliament, had already 
begun to assemble at Canton for the purpose. Dr. Sun was 
accompanied by two associates, who had become known as 
wheelhorses of the party. They were Wu Ting-fang and Tong 
Shao-yi, who were members of the first class of Chinese stu- 
dents sent to this country. Wu became well known as Chinese 
Minister to the United States. Tong had served as diplomatic 
representative of the old Peking Government to Korea* 

The Chinese navy, which was largely controlled by officials 
from the southern coastal province of Fukien, sided with Dr. 
Sun, and also withdrew to Canton. The upshot of the extended 
conference at Canton, which was participated in by the officers 
of the fleet, was the formation of a "constitutional government/' 
of which Dr. Sun was elected "generalissimo." A call was issued 
for a meeting of parliamentarians who had been ousted from 
Peking and who were sympathetic toward Dr. Sun's cause. 

Members of the Parliament who belonged to the Kuomin- 
tang Party had difficulty in getting out of Peking, as the Govern- 
ment attempted to hold them. Dr. C. T. Wang (later Ambas- 
sador to the United States) who was president of the Senate in 
the Peking Parliament, had to slip out of the capital dressed 
as a student, and upon his arrival at Shanghai was compelled 
to reside with an American missionary friend, to escape 

The establishment of a republican government at Canton 
by Dr. Sun Yat-sen amounted to an ultimatum to the northern 
military faction which controlled the Peking "Republican" 
Government. Since the Peking regime had the advantage of 


diplomatic recognition by the Powers, the political situation in 
CMna became so complicated as to defy description. It marked 
the beginning of a civil war situation resulting in bids for power 
by one war lord after another, extending over a decade. Seldom 
had the people been subjected to such oppression and exploita- 
tion as occurred in this period, which came to be known as the 
"Era of the War Lords." 

The Lansing-Ishii "Incident" 

I WAS IN PEKING, on my first trip to the northern Chinese 
capital, when the Japanese made another attempt to force China 
to accept "Group V" of the Twenty-one Demands. The Ameri- 
can Minister at Peking was Dr. Paul S. Reinsch, formerly 
professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin. 
Although of German extraction, Dr. Reinsch was a patriotic 
American and a more loyal citizen than many of his detractors 
in the American colony in Peking, who had been constantly 
alluding to his German background and disparaging his attempts 
to prevent China from succumbing to Japanese and German 

Late one night there was a knock on my door at the old 
Wagons-Lits Hotel, where I was staying, and on opening the 
door I recognized a Chinese young man who had been a stu- 
dent in one of my classes when I was an instructor at the 
University of Missouri. It was Hollington K. Tong, who 
following his return to China had been appointed editor of the 
Peking Daily JVewy, a small English-language paper in the 
capital. I noticed that he was agitated, and asked him to come 
in and tell me what was the matter. He began by reviewing 
Japanese activities in China from the beginning of the war in 
1914, when Japan seized the port of Tsingtao from the Ger- 
mans, afterward extending her control throughout Shantung 
Province. The following year, Tong explained, Japan had pre- 
sented the notorious Twenty-one Demands to President Yuan 
Shih-kai. The presentation of the Demands was accompanied 
by an ultimatum that unless they were accepted Japan would 
send an expeditionary force to conquer the entire country. The 



Japanese Minister, Count Kato, explained to President Yuan 
Shih-kai that since the Demands concerned Japan and China 
exclusively, the matter should be kept secret and under no 
conditions should any foreign country, particularly the United 
States and Great Britain, be informed. Pounding on the table 
with his walking stick, Count Kato threatened the Chinese 
President with imprisonment by the Japanese army in case the 
matter was permitted to leak out and Japan was "forced to 


Despite the threats the facts did leak out, and as a result the 
American and British Governments lodged energetic protests 
with the Japanese Government. Despite repeated denials the 
Japanese were forced to withdraw "Group V," the most drastic 
of the Demands, which were designed to establish Japanese 
hegemony over North China and Manchuria. It was to be done 
under the guise of "preparing China for participation in the 
World War." 

Tong, or "Holly" as everyone knew him, said that while 
Japan seemingly had receded from the position she had taken 
when the Demands were presented in 1915 and again in 1916, 
the Chinese knew that Japan was only biding her time and 
that when the situation was propitious Japan would make an- 
other attempt to force the Chinese to agree to Group V. Japan 
now considered the time ripe for action, as she wanted to have 
China securely "nailed down" before the United States became 
strong enough to interfere in China's behalf. 

Tong became more and more excited as his account of Japa- 
nese aggression progressed to that very day, when Count Kato 
had visited China's Foreign Minister, Dr. Lou Tseng-hsiang, in 
the late afternoon and told him that unless Group V of the 
Demands was accepted immediately, Japan would take mili- 
tary action. There had been more table-pounding by the Japa- 
nese Minister, who warned the Chinese Foreign Minister to 
keep the matter quiet or else 

As soon as Count Kato had left the Foreign Office a secre- 
tary telephoned Mr. Tong, who was still in his editorial office, 


and told him what had happened. The secretary urged Tong to 
notify the correspondents of the American and British papers, 
in order that the report could be cabled abroad. I typed out 
a note of what had happened, and made an appointment for 
Tong to meet me at the American Legation early the next morn- 
ing. After we had explained the situation to Dr. Paul S. Reinsch, 
the American Minister, he agreed with us that China's best de- 
fense was publicity, otherwise the Japanese would repeat their 
previous action and deny that any ultimatum had been pre- 
sented. Dr. Reinsch recalled his own experience in 1915, when 
he had been reprimanded by the Secretary of State for sending 
the original report of the presentation of the Twenty-one 
Demands which the Japanese Ambassador in Washington 
had denied, on the authority of the Tokyo Foreign Office. Dr. 
Reinsch told us that the correspondent for the Associated Press 
in Peking had also been reprimanded by his home office for 
sending "unfounded reports." As a result the A.P. correspond- 
ent cabled his resignation, and only then did the A.P. office in 
New York issue the story to the American press. 

Immediately following my interview with the American 
Minister, I wired the story to my paper in Shanghai, with 
instructions that a copy be turned over to Carl Crow, who 
was the representative in Shanghai of "Compub," otherwise 
the American Committee on Public Information, which had 
just been established. Crow cabled the report to Washington, 
and within a short time all correspondents in Shanghai and 
Peking received instructions to investigate the report of the 
Japanese ultimatum. This time, unlike the situation in 1915, the 
official report to the State Department regarding the Japanese 
ultimatum had the support of dispatches from a half dozen 
correspondents at Peking and Shanghai. I also received from 
a Chicago paper a cable requesting a story concerning the inci- 
dent, and was able to wire a more complete report than most 
of the correspondents, due to the information I had received 
from Mr. Tong. The following day the story developed 
new angles when the Japanese actually conducted military 


demonstrations at Tientsin, Mukden, and Tsinanfu, the last- 
named city being capital of Shantung Province, where the 
Japanese had established themselves in 1914 at the beginning 
of World War I by defeating the small German garrison sta- 
tioned at the port of Tsingtao. 

When the correspondents called in a body on Count Kato 
that afternoon the Japanese Minister denied the whole story, 
and charged the Chinese with creating it from whole cloth. 

The incident resulted in a tragic ending of the diplomatic 
career of the elderly Chinese Foreign Minister, Dr. Lou Tseng- 
hskng, who was charged with weakness _and indecision and 
forced out of office. As a result of the unmerited criticism the 
venerable Foreign Minister resigned and a few months later 
went to Belgium, and entered a Catholic monastery where he 
remained for many years. 

Dr. Reinsch, the American Minister, was indirectly re- 
sponsible for the creation of the Chinese Student Movement 
which became an important adjunct of the Nationalist Revo- 
lution. The movement started when students in the Peking 
National University began collecting money on the streets of 
the capital to finance telegrams to the Chinese Minister and 
delegates in Paris, urging them to protest to the "Big Four" 
against Japanese aggression. Soon the students, both boys and 
girls, in all the Peping schools were parading with banners, 
and the movement spread throughout the country, resulting in 
demonstrations against the Japanese everywhere. 

No small part of his success in explaining America's objec- 
tives in the war to the Chinese people was due to his reputation 
as an outstanding political scientist. This enabled him to appeal 
with authority to the young generation of Chinese intellec- 
tuals, the returned students and graduates of mission schools 
who were beginning to feel the stirrings of nationalism. Through 
them he was able to influence public opinion as well as govern- 
mental policy on the subject of the war. It was largely due to 
his efforts that China joined in the war on the side of the Allies, 


despite the strong German pressure and propaganda, and It also 
was largely due to Dr. Reinsch's efforts that China was encour- 
aged to withstand Japanese pressure, which was even heavier 
than German pressure. It was felt that if China had succumbed 
to Japanese pressure and accepted Japanese military and politi- 
cal control, Japan might have felt strong enough to defy the 
United States and desert the Allies for the German side. 

But the promises of diplomatic support which Dr. Reiesch 
made to the Chinese, with the knowledge and approval of the 
State Department and the President, were never carried out and 
eventually led to disastrous consequences in the relations of the 
two countries as well as tragedy in the life of the American 
Emissary. Dr. Reinsch's job was made doubly difficult, if not 
impossible, by the failure of the Administration to support poli- 
cies which were announced during the course of the war, 
particularly President Wilson's fourteen points, which the 
Chinese thought were designed especially to assist them in 
regaining their independence from international domination. 

Dr. Reinsch's first serious rebuff came in November, 1917, 
when the news services carried a report from Washington 
stating that Secretary of State Robert Lansing had signed an 
agreement with Baron Ishii, special Japanese Ambassador, in 
which the United States had agreed to Japan's "special position" 
in both Manchuria and Shantung. The report created the opin- 
ion that the United States had given up its traditional policy of 
the Open Door and had decided to abandon China to the ten- 
der mercies of the Japanese military clique. Dr. Reinsch had not 
been advised that such an agreement with Japan was even under 
discussion, hence he was unable to supply any information when 
the Chinese demanded the meaning and purpose of the 
"Lansing-Ishii pact." The Japanese Minister thus had a free 
hand, and he proceeded to fill the Chinese papers with the 
Japanese version of the agreement. Translations of the Japa- 
nese reports supplied to the Chinese papers conveyed the 
impression that America had jettisoned its traditional policy of 


preserving China's territorial and administrative integrity and 
had consented to Japan's policy of grab. 

The story behind the signing of the Lansing-Ishii agreement, 
as later disclosed in Robert Lansing's book, following his 
resignation as Secretary of State, was startling in its revelations 
concerning the methods and motives of diplomacy as practiced 
by the Allied nations during the war, but particularly before 
America's entrance into the straggle. 

In the first place Britain, France, Belgium, Russia, and Italy 
had signed secret agreements with Japan whereby they con- 
sented to Japan's permanent control of China's Shantung 
Province and the former German islands of the Pacific, which 
Japan had seized at the beginning of the war. These arrange- 
ments, which obviously had been signed in order to prevent 
Japan from deserting the Allied side, were kept secret from 
President Wilson, as the Allied diplomats realized that a knowl- 
edge of the secret treaties would have an adverse effect on 
American public opinion and conceivably might prevent the 
United States from entering the war. Lord Grey, chief British 
diplomatic emissary, stated later that he had informed Presi- 
dent Wilson of the existence of the agreements, but if he did, 
President Wilson had not realized the actual import of the 
understandings. But even though the Japanese had "held up" 
the European Allies on the question of Japan's permanent 
possession of Shantung and the Pacific islands, the Japanese 
leaders nevertheless felt uneasy regarding possible American 
reactions when the agreements became public, as they certainly 
must, at the peace conference following the war. 

According to Secretary Lansing's disclosures, he was aston- 
ished when a Japanese "ambassador of good will" named Baron 
Ishii arrived in Washington in November, 1917, with a propo- 
sal that America should recognize Japan's "special position" in 
China and the Western Pacific. Lansing said that he spurned the 
proposal as contrary to long-established American policy. But 
Baron Ishii had another string to his diplomatic bow. He went 
straight to New York and got in touch with a certain power- 


ful financial leader who exercised potent influence with the 
Administration due to his financing of the war effort. Ishii 
succeeded in convincing this representative of American finance 
that it was necessary for the United States to recognize Japan's 
position, otherwise dire things might happen in the Orient, The 
clever Japanese diplomat then gravely shook his head, leaving 
the rest unsaid. Had Baron Ishii been in Peking he probably 
would have pounded on the table. 

That night President Wilson received a confidential tele- 
phone call from New York over the private White House wire, 
and the next day Secretary Lansing received instructions from 
the President to sign the agreement with Ishii. Lansing claimed 
that he did so against his convictions, and sought to weaken 
the force of the agreement by inserting a qualifying phrase in 
the text to the effect that the agreement applied only where 
Chinese and Japanese territories were "propinquitous" a new 
term in the already ambiguous language of diplomacy. 

Secretary Lansing argued that the insertion of the word 
actually restricted the application of the agreement to South 
Manchuria, which bordered on the Japanese territory of Korea. 
However, the Secretary of State also was not aware of the 
secret agreements which Japan had already signed with the 
European Allies, copies of which Baron Ishii probably had in 
his pocket when he signed the pact with Lansing. Taken to- 
gether, it meant that America had been tricked into signing 
an agreement diametrically opposed to American traditional 
policy in the Far East. 

The secret treaties were disclosed by the Soviet authorities 
following theis overthrow of the Czarist regime in 1917, and 
cast a blight over the heretofore friendly relations of the United 
States and China and also exercised potent influence in causing 
the United States Senate to refuse to ratify the Versailles Treaty 
and the League of Nations Covenant. 

As a result of the rebuff to his policies and the developing 
complications in the relations of America and China, Dr. 
Reinsch resigned in 1919 and accepted a position as an adviser 



of the Chinese Government, in which capacity he attempted 
to rectify the damage by encouraging American businessmen 
and bankers to invest in China. However, the strain resulting 
from his disappointment was too great and while on a visit to 
General Wu Pei-fu, the Northern Chinese leader in Honan 
Province, he suffered a heat stroke. Dr. Reinsch was brought 
to Shanghai and died in a hospital there in January, 1924, with- 
out recovering his mental equilibrium. 

The last chapter of the Lansing-Ishii incident, however, was 
written by the United States Senate following the Washington 
Arms Conference, when that august body voted unanimously 
to abrogate the agreement. The members of the Senate felt 
particularly exasperated over the Ishii incident as they had 
invited the Japanese "ambassador of good will" to address them 
on the subject of democracy in Japan when he was in Wash- 
ington negotiating the agreement with the Secretary of State. 

Russians In Shanghai 

IN THE FALL OF 1917 I had decided that It was time for my 
wife and young daughter to join me, so I cabled Mrs. Powell 
to come out and bring along my sister Margaret, who was a 
student in the School of Journalism at the University of Mis- 
souri. In the meantime I stayed on at the Astor House in Shang- 
hai, in the "steerage" section, which consisted of single rooms 
and small suites at the back of the hotel. The section resembled 
an American club, because practically all of the rooms and 
suites were occupied by young Americans who had come out 
to join the consulate, commercial attache's office, or business 
firms whose activities were undergoing rapid expansion. 

Sanitary arrangements left much to be desired. There was 
no modern plumbing. The bathtub consisted of a large earthen- 
ware pot about four feet high and four feet in diameter. It was 
called a "soochow tub," due to its place of manufacture in a 
native pottery in the town of Soochow, about fifty miles from 
Shanghai. The Chinese servant assigned to me would carry in 
a seemingly endless number of buckets of hot water to fill the 
tub in the morning. 

One of the consular clerks who lived in that section of the 
hotel cautioned me about keeping my room locked. He said, 
"Be sure to lock your door and leave the key with the boy, 
otherwise you are likely to have a visitor." Some days later I 
realized what he meant when I returned to my room late in 
the evening and found a young lady, wearing a Japanese 
kimono, asleep in my bed. I immediately called the boy and 
asked him what he meant by permitting her to enter my room. 
By this time the girl was awake and asked me, in pidgin Eng- 



lisfa, if I was "Mr. Smith" who had sent for her. I assured 
her that I was not Mr. Smith, and the boy ushered her down 
the corridor. I spoke to Captain Morton, the manager, the next 
morning and he assured me that it would not happen again. 
The incident aroused considerable amusement among my 
friends, who called me "Mr. Smith" for several days thereafter. 

My family arrived in mid- winter of 1917-18. I discovered 
too late that the influx of Americans had made it practically 
impossible to find a residence or an apartment except in some 
old English-style houses without modem conveniences. A 
friend told us of a new residential district known as the "Model 
Village," which some promoter had built to meet the influx of 
Americans. The village consisted of several rows of residences 
constructed of cheap mud bricks in a style the promoter thought 
was "American." 

Although they were quite new, we had to exercise consider- 
able care because the buildings were so flimsily constructed that 
we were frequently having embarrassing experiences. Once my 
wife was using the telephone, a heavy, cumbersome instrument 
attached to the wall which separated our house from the adjoin- 
ing one. Suddenly there was a crash and the telephone, together 
with a large section of the partition, fell to the floor. Our 
neighboring housewife had also been using her telephone, which 
was attached to the other side of the wall, at the same time. The 
two ladies greeted each other through the opening. It was not 
unusual for thej flimsy boards in the floor to give way while 
we were sitting at the dining-room table. 

Life under these conditions, while trying, was not altogether 
unpleasant because the compound was filled with young Ameri- 
can couples who were also pioneering. Housewives who had 
always done their own work and looked after their own chil- 
dren at home suddenly found themselves surrounded by ser- 
vants. In our home we had two female servants or amahs, a 
cook, houseboy, and coolie. They all lived somewhere in the 
rear, which we never visited. Once, during a political crisis, 
my houseboy brought sixty-five of his relatives from the 


countryside to live in my garage until the storm blew over. 
I was informed that each paid him a small fee for the service. 
The Chinese, accustomed to adjusting themselves to meeting 
crises of this kind, were always practical. Once, when the 
situation in the Settlement was disturbed, many of the Chinese 
sent their wives and families to the country to live with their 
relatives. I asked my office boy (he was forty years old) if he 
had sent his wife to the country. He replied in characteristic 
English, "No send missie to country if send missie to country, 
must pay money, but no can use." 

Food was plentiful, and most of the housewives were accus- 
tomed to visiting the Hongkew Market conducted by the 
municipality. Many housewives experimented with native 
vegetables, and discovered that they were superior to familiar 
American items. The market was quite sanitary and provided 
every possible item of foreign and domestic food. I was told 
that the market greatly resembled the Fulton Market in New 
York City, except for the difference in food items. A visit to 
the market was almost a social event, because women would 
meet their friends there and compare notes as they visited the 
various stalls. The food was unbelievably cheap and generally 
of good quality. However, all green vegetables and fruits had 
to be dipped in a chemical solution to kill germs. 

The American population, which had numbered only a few 
hundred when I arrived, grew rapidly as a result of the opening 
up of numerous business establishments. This led to the develop- 
ment of community activities in which I participated. During 
that first winter there were organized two American clubs, one 
a downtown businessmen's club and the other a country club 
on the outskirts of the city. The American School was organ- 
ized, the most ambitious project of all, and was located in the 
French Concession. The school quickly became popular in the 
international community and was almost overwhelmed by 
applications from parents of other nationalities who wished to 
provide their children with an American education. A certain 
percentage of such children were admitted. American children 


had the opportunity of associating with children of other 
nationalities, including a considerable number of Chinese, and 
a few of mixed blood. Other nationalities were proud of the 
opportunity they had in sending their children to the Ameri- 
can School, where they could receive American instruction 
and associate with American children. 

The Americans also organized a Community Church, which 
was conducted on non-sectarian lines and soon became as popu- 
lar in the community as the school. The pastors were carefully 
selected in the United States, and usually spent three years in 
Shanghai. Membership in the church also was not restricted to 

The church had been in operation only a short time when 
a Japanese and his wife appeared on the scene and requested 
membership on the ground that they were Christians. The 
Japanese said that he had resided in the United States and 
could speak English. They seemed to be quite sincere, and it 
was not long before the man and his wife, who was of Japa- 
nese blood but born in America, were taking active part in the 
affairs of the church. The members were enthusiastic about 
Mr. Watanabe, who entered into the activities of the church 
with such enthusiasm. All proceeded happily until there was a 
Sino- Japanese crisis. A group of Americans visited the Japa- 
nese consulate, and were astonished to see Mr. Watanabe wear- 
ing a military uniform. Investigation disclosed that he was an 
intelligence officer in the army, and apparently had been as- 
signed to the job of checking up on the religious and social 
activities of the American community. The next Sunday the 
familiar faces of the Japanese espionage officer and his wife 
were missing. They never attended church again. The inci- 
dent attracted wide attention when it became known that 
Japanese army intelligence had used this method elsewhere in 
checking up on American missionary activities. 

When I first arrived in Shanghai I was surprised to find that 
the Germans still went about the city in complete freedom and 


safety, despite the fact that they were involved in war with both 
the British and French, who occupied a dominating position in 
the city. 

Two of the city's three leading clubs, the British Shanghai 
Club and the German Club, were located on the Bund, only 
about three blocks apart. The French Club, most popular in the 
international community, was located in the French Conces- 
sion, several blocks distant. It was interesting, at noontime, to 
see the British and German businessmen passing each other on 
the Bund without a nod of recognition, each headed for his 
club for luncheon, where the chief subject of discussion was 
the war. Each club had a large mounted map of the western 
front, but the thumb tacks were on opposite sides of the line. 

The situation changed, however, after China broke off rela- 
tions with Germany in March, 1917. China's declaration of war 
on Germany automatically canceled the extraterritorial privileges 
which the Germans had enjoyed, and thus made them subject 
to Chinese law. The French immediately started an agitation 
for the deportation of the Germans from the International 
Settlement, and ultimately were able to exert sufficient pressure 
on the Chinese to cause Peking to adopt a deportation order 
applicable to all Germans and Austrians. 

Things usually move slowly in China, however, and the 
matter of deporting the Germans was no exception to the gen- 
eral rule. Many Germans took advantage of the delay to move 
their possessions into Chinese territory, where they resided in 
boarding houses and received protection from local Chinese 
officials who paid no attention to the Peking Government's 
orders. As a matter of fact, public sentiment in Shanghai, 
particularly among the Chinese, deeply opposed the deporta- 
tion of the Germans, so they were not deported until a consider- 
able time after the Armistice. The Germans were greatly em- 
bittered by being driven out after the war was over, and their 
feelings were voiced in their publications in Shanghai as well 
as in the home press in Germany. Several books, including a 
novel, were widely circulated in Germany which were based 


on the alleged inhumanities involved in the Shanghai deporta- 
tion. German bitterness over this incident undoubtedly was re- 
flected in the later action of the Nazis in Shanghai as allies of 
the Japanese, 

The Chinese Government, although it had been reluctant 
to declare war on Germany, soon discovered that the abolition 
of German extraterritorial rights enabled the Chinese to confis- 
cate German possessions which included several banks, business 
houses, and community properties which long had served as 
social centers for the Germans. The German Club on the Bund 
was taken over by the Chinese Government and handed over 
to the Bank of China, while the German bank, also located on 
the Bund, was handed over to the Chinese Bank of Communica- 
tions. Another large property which the Germans had pur- 
chased for the construction of a country club, located in the 
French Concession, was seized by the French and ultimately 
taken over by the French Club. The leading German drug- 
store, located on Nanking Road, was converted into an Ameri- 
can company through the medium of a Delaware corporation, 
and from that time on flew the American flag, although the 
German personnel was not changed, and all of the German 
drug lines were retained. A clever American lawyer was 
responsible for the transformation. 

But the most colorful phase of the international situation in 
Shanghai had to do not with the Germans, but with one of our 
former allies. One day during the winter of 1918-19 there was 
a report of a number of mysterious ships arriving at the mouth 
of the Yangtze River, several miles below Shanghai. As soon 
as I heard the report I hired a Chinese launch and made a trip 
to the mouth of the Yangtze. It was indeed a mysterious fleet. 
There must have been between thirty and forty ships of every 
possible description, most of them painted a dirty black. The 
"fleet" ranged all the way from small warcraft to harbor tugs, 
and there were even two large and powerful ice-breakers. 

I directed the captain of my launch to approach one of the 


larger warships. I finally attracted the attention of an officer, 
who came to the rail and spoke to me in Russian, which I could 
not understand. I indicated, however, that I wanted to come 
aboard. We finally came alongside, and with the assistance of 
sailors on the ship I managed to get on the gangplank and 
climbed the ladder to the deck. Incidentally, the Yangtze River 
at that point was quite wide and very rough. 

When I reached the deck of the ship I was faced with a 
spectacle even stranger than the "fleet" itself. The deck of the 
ship was literally jammed with household equipment, ranging 
all the way from pots and pans to baby cribs. I noticed, not 
without amusement, that one Russian mother had hung out her 
babies' wash on one of the five-inch guns. I also noticed one 
almost new American automobile, a relic of the ill-fated Ameri- 
can Siberian expedition. 

After considerable delay the Russian commander of the 
boat found someone who could speak a little English. I was in- 
formed that the "fleet" was under the command of Admiral 
Stark, who had commanded Russian naval forces in the Far 
East during the war. The commander of the ship interrupted 
my questioning to tell me that they were greatly in need of 
food, as the supplies they had brought from Vladivostok were 
exhausted. He said they had evacuated Vladivostok on the eve 
of the Bolshevik occupation of that port. I asked him about 
the large number of women and children on board. He said 
many of them were the families of Russian navy men. In addi- 
tion there were large numbers of other Russians, including 
women and children of civilians, who had gone aboard to 
escape the wrath of the Bolsheviks. The admiral wanted to 
land a large number of the civilians, but the Shanghai authori- 
ties had objected. Later most of them managed to leave the 
ships at night and come to Shanghai. 

After remaining in the Yangtze River for several days, ob- 
taining much-needed supplies which were donated by Shanghai 
charitable organizations, Admiral Stark sailed southward with 
his "fleet," finally ending up in Manila where most of the Rus- 


sian evacuees became residents and where the "fleet" was broken 
op and the ships sold. The Soviet Government later tried to 
recover possession of these ships, but Admiral Stark had sold 
them, and since the United States did not recognize Soviet 
Russia, Moscow never succeeded in regaining possession. The 
Bolsheviks were particularly anxious to recover the two ice- 
breakers which were a vital necessity in Vladivostok Harbor 
in the late fall and winter months, as the harbor freezes over 
and it is necessary to use ice-breakers to keep it open for cargo 
and fishing fleets. 

The Russian emigrees who reached Shanghai by means of 
Admiral Stark's "fleet" were the vanguard of an influx of Rus- 
sians from Siberia and other parts of Russia as far west as 
Moscow and Leningrad, which continued for several years. As 
Shanghai was an open city where passport visas were not re- 
quired, there was no way of restricting the flood of Russians 
who came in by every train and ship from the north, most of 
them in a destitute condition. The refugees included groups 
from every possible class in Russia, ranging all the way from 
indigent gypsy beggars to members of the nobility. Some of the 
wealthier Russians managed to bring out with them consider- 
able property in the form of jewelry. These people put up at 
the best hotels and lived in luxury as long as the jewelry lasted. 
Shanghai pawnshops were filled with these baubles, enabling 
collectors to pick up many rare pieces for a fraction of their 
original value. Some of these pieces of jewelry were of native 
manufacture, containing rare precious and semi-precious stones 
from the famous mines in the Urals. 

The number of Russian emigrees who arrived in Shanghai 
was never known accurately, but was estimated at from 25,000 
to 50,000. Since the great majority were destitute, it was neces- 
sary for Shanghai to open soup kitchens in several parts of the 
city, the funds being provided by local charitable organiza- 

Among the refugees were a large number of soldiers, mainly 
Cossacks who had served in the armies of the Czar and remained 


loyal to Mm. They had escaped chiefly through Mongolia into 
Manchuria, and were accompanied by their families. A majority 
of the refugees came from small towns and villages all over 
Russia, but occasionally one met refugees in destitute condition 
who had previously been large landowners and prosperous 
businessmen in European Russia. Rich or poor, illiterate or edu- 
cated, they had one thing in common, namely, hatred of the 
Bolsheviks who had dispossessed them and forced them to flee 
from their native land and to depend on foreigners. Prior to 
the influx of Russian emigrees, Shanghai had only had a half 
dozen Russian families, chiefly rich managers of tea companies 
or persons who had been connected with the large Russo- 
Asiatic Bank, the main branch of which in the Far East was 
located in Shanghai, with a palatial building on the Shanghai 

Much to the surprise of everyone the Russian emigrees did 
not long constitute a problem from the standpoint of support. 
They quickly gained a foothold in the city. The former Cos- 
sack soldiers became bodyguards for rich Chinese merchants, 
who were in constant fear of blackmail or assassination, or they 
obtained jobs as night watchmen at banks and business houses 
throughout the city. Finally the International Settlement organ- 
ized a so-called Russian Volunteer Corps as a part of the Inter- 
national Volunteer Corps which protected the city. 

Hundreds of Russian women were assisted in opening 
fashionable dress shops, millinery shops, and beauty parlors. In 
addition other Russians, many of whom were Jews, opened a 
host of notion shops, selling everything from needles to baby 
carriages. Of course there were the ubiquitous Russian restau- 
rants, one or two in almost every block, particularly in the 
French Concession where the majority of the Russians resided. 
Shanghai thus received its first introduction to Russian food, 
which immediately became popular in the foreign and Chinese 
communities. The Russians filled an important niche in the city, 
occupying a position between the normal white-collared 
Occidental population and the Chinese who did all the work. 


Since Shanghai had always been a man's city in which a 
majority of the normal foreign population were bachelors, 
numerous friendships Inevitably developed, culminating in large 
numbers of international marriages. These Included many 
members of the United States Marine Corps stationed in Shang- 
hai. Once I asked the chaplain of the Marine Corps whether 
these marriages were successful He replied in rather cynical 
vein, I thought "As successful as any other kind." It became 
popular to speak Russian, and It was a poor bank clerk Indeed 
who could not afford an attractive Russian teacher. The Russians 
even came to exercise considerable political Influence In the 
affairs of the city. When I arrived in Shanghai there was not a 
single Russian church in the city. Ten years later, after the 
White Russian influx, there were more than a dozen Russian 
Orthodox churches, some of them large and richly decorated. 
The support of so many churches attested to the deeply religious 
nature of the White Russians. I do not think I ever visited a 
Russian home without seeing at least one sacred ikon, and often 
there would be one in every room and usually with a small 
incense burner and oil lamp attached which was kept burn- 
Ing. Almost the entire foreign community turned out to ob- 
serve the colorful Russian services at Christmas and Easter. 

Editor As Lobbyist 

SINCE THE Review was now on its feet, I decided in the au- 
tumn of 1920 to make a trip to the United States in order to 
establish advertising contacts for the paper. 

A few days prior to my sailing, J. Harold Dollar, Far East- 
ern representative of the Dollar Steamship interests, who was 
chairman of the American Chamber of Commerce, invited me 
to a farewell luncheon at the American Club. I was surprised 
at the turnout of prominent residents, and -wondered what 
was up. 

At the close of the luncheon Carl Seitz, a well known 
lumber merchant, got up and after the usual pleasantries, turned 
to me and said: "J. B., we want you to go to Washington and 
put through a China Trade Act, providing Federal incorpora- 
tion for American concerns doing business in the Far East." 

He then explained that the Chamber of Commerce would 
defray my hotel expenses if I would go to Washington and 
see what could be done about inducing Congress to pass our 
incorporation act. He was sure it would require "only a few 
weeks" to convince Congress of the necessity of this greatly 
desired measure. 

I agreed to undertake the mission. I had never been in 
Washington, and was anxious to see what made the wheels go 
'round in our national capital. 

In traveling from the West Coast to New York I stopped 
over in Chicago and paid a visit to the famous Colonel Robert 
R. McCormick. I had covered two or three special assign- 
ments for the Chicago Tribune, and the Colonel asked me to 
stop over and see him. While I was talking with him I men- 



tioned the matter of the incorporation bill which our commer- 
cial Interests in the Far East desired to get through Congress, 
and told him that the Chamber of Commerce had commis- 
sioned me to make a trip to Washington and see what could 
be done about the matter. This gave the Colonel an idea. He 
said: "You catch the midnight train, and that will put you in 
Marion, Ohio, at 6 o'clock tomorrow morning. I will telegraph 
Phil Kinsley, our political correspondent, to meet you and 
introduce you to President-elect Harding." 

This surpassed my fondest expectations an opportunity to 
meet the President-elect of the United States and solicit his sup- 
port for our incorporation bill. 

I was at the famous little frame house with the front porch 
in Marion by 6:30 the next morning, and a few minutes later 
had found Phil Kinsley and explained my business. Kinsley 
said, "Let's go over and catch Harding before the nut brigade 

starts in." 

I asked him what he meant by the nut brigade and he said, 
the visionaries with schemes for post-war Europe and world 
peace. He took me to the reception room, which was empty at 
that early hour, so I sat there and examined the scenery from 
the not-too-clean windows leading out on the famous front 
porch. As I sat there a rather portly individual arrived. His face 
appeared familiar, but I couldn't place him. Shortly afterward 
the attendant came out and calling my name, said Mr. Harding 
was waiting, but before I could get to the door, the portly 
gentleman who had come in later pushed me aside, stating he 
wanted to go in first because he had to catch a train back to 
New York. He also explained to me that he had a very im- 
portant matter concerning world peace which he wished to 
discuss with the President-elect. Without further comment he 
pushed past me and went in. I waited fully an hour before he 
came out. Mr. Harding said, as he smilingly handed me a ciga- 
rette, "That was Nicholas Murray Butler." 

He looked at my card and said, "I see you come from 


I told him I had just arrived, and explained to him as briefly 
as I could the purpose of my visit to Marion. He listened with 
.unexpected interest and told me he had always been curious 
about China because he had an aunt who had been a missionary in 
that country. I found out afterward his aunt had been a mis- 
sionary in India, but I had become accustomed to having Ameri- 
cans confuse India with China, and even with Africa, when it 
came to the matter of missionaries. 

I gave Mr. Harding a small booklet I had written about our 
proposed Federal incorporation act, and told him about the 
growing importance of American commerce in the Far East, 
how the new law would facilitate the development of American 
trade and would in time restore American business prestige 
which had been damaged, due to exploitation by adventurers 
and fly-by-night promoters. He said: "I can't do anything for 
you until I get to Washington, but if you will come to see me 
at the White House, I will do everything I can to help you get 
your bill through Congress." 

As President, Mr. Harding lived up to that promise, and we 
became well acquainted in the months to come. I soon dis- 
covered, however, that the matter of getting a bill through Con- 
gress, unless it concerned some large national interest, cannot 
be accomplished in a few weeks it usually requires months, 
and often years, and is a heart-breaking process. But whenever 
I got into a jam, I could always obtain help by writing a letter to 
President Harding about it. 

Since I had had no experience whatever as a lobbyist, I con- 
sulted some of my newspaper friends about what to do to get 
a bill through Congress. This usually drew a laugh, particularly 
at the Press Club. Some of the veterans explained to me that 
Washington was crowded with people who had come to the 
Capitol "to get a bill through Congress" in the expectation that 
it would take a few weeks. They had stayed on and on, and 
in many cases the lobbying job became their sole source of sup- 
port. I soon found out that my newness was an advantage, 


because I did not fall into the routine of the professionals. Also 
I worked like the very dickens interviewing Congressmen and 
others who could help. 

I finally found a Congressman, Leonidas C. Dyer of St. 
Louis, who agreed to foster my bill. Dyer was a Republican, 
and was looking for some measure that would help him get his 
name in the newspapers. The incorporation bill which I was 
interested in served that purpose because it was concerned with 
foreign trade, a subject that was becoming prominent through 
the demand for our goods, resulting from the war. Congressman 
Dyer was a member of the House Judiciary Committee. I sug- 
gested to him that some other committee, possibly the House 
Committee 00 Foreign Affairs, might be more suitable, but he 
objected to that and I quickly discovered that tremendous 
jealousies exist between members of different committees. 

While I was a student in the University of Missouri I had 
taken several courses concerning the general subject of govern- 
ment, but nothing I had ever studied in the university was of 
any value to me in this matter of getting a bill through Congress, 

Congressman Dyer said the first thing we should do was to 
hold a "hearing," at which witnesses could be brought in to 
testify to the merits of the bill which we wanted to get through. 
We fixed a day, about a week in the future, and I got busy on 
witnesses. 1 induced several import and export houses in New 
York to send their foreign trade representatives to Washington, 
and on the day of the hearing I surprised everybody by bring- 
ing in the Secretary of Commerce, Herbert Hoover, to attend 
our hearing. Hoover had once been a mining engineer in 

Everything went off in good order, except that two Senators 
got up and walked out in indignation when Secretary Hoover 
came in. I was astonished to learn that these gentlemen were 
not on speaking terms with the Secretary of Commerce, and 
one Senator told me that Hoover's support of our bill was likely 
to do more harm than good. However, we had our hearings 
printed in a special edition of the Congressional Record. I then 


arranged for copies to be mailed out to chambers of commerce, 
whose interest in the matter I was soliciting. 

After a conference with Congressman Dyer we decided to 
call our proposed law "The China Trade Act, 55 thus taking 
advantage of the growing interest in Far Eastern trade all over 
the country. It soon became apparent to me that the matter of 
getting a bill through Congress was a leg-breaking job, because 
it was necessary to see so many people. Once I nearly precipi- 
tated a small civil war between the State Department and the 
Department of Commerce. At first I was not able to arouse any 
interest in my project in either of those departments (aside 
from Secretary Hoover), but after I got the thing started and 
the chambers of commerce became interested in it, members of 
both departments began to prick up their ears. If Congress was 
going to pass our bill, then each department wanted to have a 
hand in the eventual administration of the law. Since our bill 
was concerned with trade, it naturally seemed to me that it 
should be under the administration of the Commerce Depart- 
ment, but the solicitor of the State Department did not agree 
with me, and we had a wordy battle about it at one of the 

I found that one of the chief difficulties in getting a bill 
through Congress is that you can never get it through both 
houses in the same session. On two or three occasions we got 
the bill through the House, or the Senate, but the session would 
end before we could get them together for a conference to 
pass the final measure. Once we got it through the Senate and 
were all set for action in the House when Speaker Gillett 
(Massachusetts) told us they had many more important matters 
on and there was no time to bring up our precious bill. 

I decided to try a little strategy. I went to Boston and got 
in touch with a banker who had been in the Far East and was 
interested in promoting trade with China. He gave me a 
luncheon at the Bankers Club, and invited the foreign trade 
representatives of the leading companies in the Boston district 
to attend. While I was explaining the purpose of the measure, 


there was an Interruption at the door and our chairman, Mr. 
Weed, looked up and said: 

"Why, there's the Mayor! Come In, Mayor, I want you to 
meet a man from China." 

Mayor "Andy" Peters came in and sat down next to me. 
Turning to me, he said: 

"But you aren't a Chinese, what are you doing in China?" 

I started to explain the object of my trip, but I could see 
that his mind was a hundred miles away on some other subject. 
While I was talking to him I was toying with a Chinese silver 
dollar which I had brought along with me as a pocket piece. 
The Mayor happened to notice it and was tremendously in- 
terested, as it was the first Chinese coin he had ever seen. 
Turning to me he said: 

"Pd give almost anything for two of those." 

I said, "Well, Mayor, that isn't necessary. I have two of 
them, and here they are." 

He said, "I want to take these dollars home and give them 
to my boys; both are coin collectors, and they will be supremely 
happy to get these Chinese dollars," and then turning to me 
he said: 

"Now tell me what you want." 

I then explained to him again the main features of the China 
Trade Act and told him how we thought it would improve the 
prestige and efficiency of American commercial activities in 
China. Sending for a bunch of telegraph blanks, Mayor Peters 
sent telegrams to all members of the Massachusetts delegation in 
Congress, urging them to bring our bill up for a vote and give it 
their full support. 

When I returned to Washington a few days later I went 
around with Congressman Dyer to call on Speaker Gillett. We 
found Gillett quite friendly and he agreed to put our bill on 
the schedule, saying "I find there is a lot of interest in Boston 
in this measure." 

I was almost tempted to remark, "Yes, it cost me two Chi- 
nese dollars," but refrained. 


A few days later the House passed our bill, and It went to 
conference and ultimately emerged as the first Federal act ever 
passed for the incorporation of commercial companies directly 
under the government. At the final conference a clause was 
inserted specifying that the act was to be administered by the 
Department of Commerce, which cost me a complete snub the 
next time I met the solicitor of the State Department. 

The China Trade Act, which was of great assistance to small 
business enterprises, unexpectedly fitted in nicely with Mr. 
Hoover's plans for the expansion of American business in China 
following the war. Previously, the Department of Commerce 
had maintained only one representative in China, Mr. Julean 
Arnold, long stationed at Peiping. After the passage of the 
China Trade Act the department sent a large number of experts, 
each experienced in his line, who made a thorough investigation 
of economic conditions in China. Much of America's trade 
expansion in China, leading finally to our leadership in that 
market, resulted from the foundation laid at that time. 

I don't know how many millions of dollars of American 
capital were represented in corporations which had received 
corporate charters under the China Trade Act, but they ran 
into big figures. While it was impossible for Congress to inter- 
fere with that well known institution the "Delaware company," 
it was not long before China Trade Act companies began to 
enjoy greater prestige in the Orient, and in recent years prac- 
tically all important American firms doing business in the Far 
East have been incorporated under the regulations of the China 
Trade Act. 

I should have mentioned the fact that one of the advantages 
provided by the China Trade Act was a tax provision which 
put American firms on an equal basis with British firms which 
were incorporated under the regulations of the British Crown 
Colony of Hong Kong. 

In this connection, I had an interesting and significant session 
with Senator La Follette, the elder. While I was promoting the 


China Trade Act among members of Congress, I was astonished 
one day to see an Interview In one of the papers In which 
Senator La Follette expressed strong opposition to the proposed 
China Trade Act. He alleged that It was a scheme for helping 
the big corporations, such as Standard Oil and United States 
Steel, to exploit China. I Immediately sensed that some interested 
party had been supplying Mr. La Follette with misinformation. 
As a matter of fact, we had never been able to Interest any of 
the Standard Oil companies in the China Trade Act, because 
they were already Incorporated under State laws and, of course, 
were not Interested In making any changes, and the same was 
true for other big companies. The concerns which the China 
Trade Act was designed to assist were smaller companies, par- 
ticularly new ones which were engaging in business In the Far 
East for the first time and needed the prestige and security 
which such an act could give them. The big concerns which 
were already established did not need the prestige, hence were 
not Interested In our measure. But this did not satisfy Senator 
La Follette, who had found a new stick with which to belabor 
the big corporations, his favorite exercise. 

I consulted with my friends about it, and suggested that I 
go and see La Follette, but immediately there was a chorus of 

"Don't go to see him; he will use your arguments against 
you, and you can't trust him." 

As a boy I had lived in the Chautauqua belt and heard many 
of La Follette's speeches, particularly those directed against the 
big corporations. I did not agree with those who contended that 
he was just another politician. I decided to go and see him. 
Luckily I had obtained, before I left Shanghai, a copy of the 
incorporation laws which had been adopted In the Crown 
Colony of Hong Kong. These laws entitled British companies 
to incorporate under the regulations of the Crown Colony of 
Hong Kong, in which manner they were able to escape the 
heavy war taxes to which companies incorporated in England 
were subject. It, was this advantage of British companies in their 


competition with American concerns In the Far East that we 
wished to overcome. I took along with me, when I called on 
Senator La Follette, a copy of the Hong Kong ordinances. 

When the eminent Wisconsin Senator saw those books about 
Hong Kong he was fascinated with them, and I thought I woold 
never get them back. It was the first information he had ever 
received that Hong Kong was a British colony. He apparently 
had been under the impression all along that Hong Kong was 
merely an island dependency. He was not aware of the fact that 
the British had developed a government in Hong Kong which 
Included a legislature, and that all property-owning citizens, 
regardless of sex, color, or race, could vote. La Follette was so 
fascinated by this information that he Invited me to call on him 
again and ultimately gave us some of his time In the Senate, so 
that we got our bill through. I have often thought that our 
shipping people might have avoided much grief if they had also 
gone to La Follette at the time he was fostering the original 
Seamen's Acts, because La Follette came from an Interior State 
and had little conception of shipping or maritime problems 
from the standpoint of international competition. He therefore 
believed everything the maritime union leaders told him. As for 
the union leaders, they did not seem to realize that If American 
ships could not compete with the British or Japanese, there 
obviously could be no jobs for American seamen. 

One day the floor clerk at the Washington Hotel, where I 
resided while conducting my lobbying activities, brought me 
a calling card bearing the name "Mary Elizabeth Wood." 1 went 
down to the lobby and stood transfixed. Mary Elizabeth Wood 
was about sixty years old, was dressed entirely In black with 
a skirt that swept the floor, and a high stiff collar which came 
up to her ears. She explained to me that she had been engaged 
in missionary work for some forty years in China. She said that 
she had heard there was a prospect that Congress would vote 
to return to China for educational purposes several millions of 
dollars which we had taken from China to cover our losses In 


the Boxer Rebellion. If Congress did take this action Miss Wood 
wanted to get some of the money for developing modern 
libraries in China. She wanted to know what to do. 

1 thought a minute, and noticing a copy of the Congressional 
Record on my table, I had an idea. Taking up the book, I 
pointed out the list of members of the House and Senate and 

"If you will take that book and call on every man whose 
name appears there and explain your proposition, perhaps you 
can put it over," 

I had no idea she would take me seriously, but she did, and 
all through the fall and winter I used to see Miss Wood's 
familiar figure in the corridors as she called on the various 
members, taking them in alphabetical order. 

Months after, when the House passed the bill returning the 
Boxer indemnity, there were a dozen members on their feet 
yelling, "What about Mary Elizabeth Wood's libraries?" 

She got her libraries, of course. 

Shantung and Washington 

OWING TO CONTINUOUS DELAYS, my stay in Washington was 
extended until late in 1921, when it was announced that Presi- 
dent Harding had decided to call a conference for the purpose 
of limiting naval armament and settling Far Eastern problems. 
I decided to remain in Washington for the conference. 

A few days later I happened to meet William J. H. Cochran, 
of Missouri, who had been publicity director of the Democratic 
National Committee during the Wilson incumbency. I asked 
Cochran what he thought of Harding's action in calling the 
Arms Limitation Conference. His reply was characteristic of the 
prevailing sentiment among the hard-boiled Washington cor- 

Cochran said, "The Republicans are under strong obligations 
to do something to help China, because Harding owes his elec- 
tion to the Shantung Question, more than any other single 
issue." I asked him what he meant by the statement. He replied, 
"Of all the issues in the campaign, the best vote-getter the 
Republicans had was the Shantung Question. Harding himself 
frequently used the term 'rape of Shantung,' in his pre-election 
addresses." We verified this by referring to the New York 
Times index covering speeches delivered by the various candi- 
dates during the campaign. Every candidate on the Republican 
side from Harding down had repeatedly mentioned the Shan- 
tung case and the "rape of China," in endeavoring to discredit 
the Versailles Treaty and the League of Nations Covenant. 

The public, during the campaign, also heard a great deal 
about the secret treaties Japan had exacted from the other Allies 
in which they had agreed to support Japan's demands at the 


peace conference. These treaties not only confirmed Japan's 
possession of Shantung, hot of more serious import to the United 
States the Allies also had agreed to Japan's control of the 
Marshall, Caroline, and Marianas Islands. Our naval people 
realized the danger, but they were helpless in arousing the 
public to an understanding of the menace of Japan, whose 
strategic position had been greatly strengthened in the war. 

What was the Shantung Question? 

About 1898, when it appeared that China was on the point 
of dissolution, Kaiser Wilhelm, not to be outdone by Britain 
and the other Powers, seized Kiaochow Bay, the best harbor 
on the East China coast. His justification for seizing this port 
was the murder of two German Catholic missionaries by Chi- 
nese bandits in Shantung Province. When the Kaiser seized 
Kiaochow Bay, he also took over a small Chinese fishing village 
known as Tsingtao. In order to outdo the British and Russians, 
the Kaiser sent some of his best city planners to Tsingtao, and 
they cleared off the dirty Chinese town and laid out the most 
attractive port on the China coast. It was like a little bit of 
Germany, had clean paved streets, attractive stores and resi- 
dences, and quickly became the most popular seaside resort on 
the coast. The Germans also obtained a concession from the 
Chinese to build a railroad extending inland for a distance of 
about^25o miles, and connecting with the trunk-line Tientsin- 
Nanking R.R. at Tsinan, capital of the province. This was about 
the extent of German "aggression" in China before World 
War I. 

The Japanese, of course, did not like the German develop- 
ment on the China coast any more than they had liked Russian 
development at Dairen, or British naval development at the port 
of Wei-hai-wei a few miles to the north of Tsingtao. Therefore 
when World War I broke out the Japanese wasted no time in 
launching an attack on Tsingtao. The Germans kept only a 
small garrison at Tsingtao, but the German forts were so well 


constructed, with modern revolving turrets, that the Japs never 
did succeed in getting inside the harbor with their fleet. They 
finally captured Tsingtao, but they had to do it by invading 
Chinese territory and attacking from the land side. When the 
Germans saw there was no chance of relief, they capitulated and 
were interned for the duration of the war. It was said that the 
great Japanese beer industry dated from this period, because 
the interned Germans taught the Japanese the art of making 

I once asked Dr. Sao-ke Alfred Sze, the Chinese Ambas- 
sador, why the Chinese raised such strong objection to Japan 
in Shantung, when they made no objection to the Germans. 
Dr. Sze replied, "The Germans were constructive, while the 
Japanese were destructive." The Germans adhered to the orig- 
inal treaty, but the Japs went beyond the treaty and overran 
the entire province. Also the Japs introduced the "dope" trade 
into the province and were actively demoralizing the Chinese 
by means of morphine and heroin, which the Japanese manu- 
factured from opium in enormous quantities in their concession 
at Tientsin. Morphine and heroin, though chemical derivatives 
of opium, are far more harmful than the original opium, with 
which the Chinese were already familiar. 

Americans were deeply stirred by the Japanese occupation 
of Shantung because it constituted a violation of the Open Door 
policy which had been traditional with us since the days of 
Secretary of State John Hay, but behind the Shantung issue 
was the more important matter of Japan's control of the Man- 
dated Islands the Marshalls, Carolines, and Marianas, which 
Japan had also seized from Germany at the beginning of the 
war. These islands constituted an impenetrable barrier between 
us and the Philippines, and the continent of Asia, despite the 
fact that the Japs had agreed not to fortify the islands. 

As Cochran explained to me, the Republicans were under 
heavy obligations to do something about the so-called Far 
Eastern Question "because they owed their election largely to 


this issue." Cochran, of course, admitted that behind this in- 
centive was a desire on the part of some members of the new 
Administration to uphold traditional American policies in the 
Far East, particularly the Open Door in China. Turning to me 
he said, "You have lived in China, what about the Open Door?" 

I explained that along about 1898-1900 it appeared that 
China was on the point of being divided among the Powers. 
Russia had taken advantage of the Boxer incident to overrun 
Manchuria, Great Britain had established herself in the Yangtze 
Valley, and had taken steps to develop a naval base at the port 
of Wei-hai-wei. Germany had seized Kiaochow Bay, and was 
building a naval base at Tsingtao. The Japanese, who were late 
at the banquet, were preparing to fight the Russians for a 
share of Manchuria. The French had Indo-China, and a con- 
cession on the South China coast at Kwangchowan. 

The Americans were definitely left out with no concessions, 
or spheres of influence, on the continent of Asia. It was at this 
point that Secretary of State John Hay made his proposal for 
an "Open Door" doctrine in Asia. Since Hay had been Min- 
ister to Great Britain, it was suspected that Great Britain was 
behind the program. And such was the case, as British com- 
mercial interests realized that the trade of a unified China was 
worth more than the exclusive trade of a section of the 

The British also did not want to face the consequences of 
carving up a nation of 400,000,000 souls. They feared reper- 
cussions in European politics. A mission to the Far East, headed 
by Admiral Lord Beresford, had advised against the dismember- 
ment of the Chinese Empire. Beresford had returned by way 
of Washington and consulted with the Americans. 

Hence the Open Door, proposed in a series of notes to the 
other Powers by John Hay. It amounted to a repudiation of the 
"sphere of influence" policies of the other nations. The Open 
Door in the Far East took its place with the Monroe Doctrine 
as an American foreign policy. 

We had heeded Washington's advice about keeping free of 


Europe's quarrels (up to World War I), but never hesitated 
to involve ourselves in Asiatic politics, seemingly without ob- 
jection on the part of the American public. 

And now to return to the subject of the Conference: 

After considerable thought the State Department finally de- 
cided to invite the Chinese to send a delegation. It was the first 
time China had ever sat in an international conference as a "free 
and independent Power." This element aroused so much en- 
thusiasm in China that the Government sent a delegation of 
about three hundred persons, including secretaries, stenog- 
raphers, and assistants; so many in fact that Dr. Sze, the Minister, 
had difficulty in feeding and housing them. 

Since the State Department's invitation was sent to the 
Peking Government, the Kuomintang regime at Canton im- 
mediately raised a tremendous howl and sent a rival delegation 
which sniped at the Peking delegates throughout the meeting. 
There was even an attempt to assassinate Dr. Sun at Canton 
during the conference. 

The Japanese were not enthusiastic about the Washington 
Conference, and approached the meeting somewhat in the mood 
of a naughty child called to the teacher's desk for a reprimand. 
They were suspicious of the conference because they knew 
it was designed primarily to obstruct their schemes for China. 
But with their potential ally, Germany, out of the running and 
with Russia involved in a communist revolution at her very 
back door, the Japanese felt it would be better to attend than 
stay out. Japan's acceptance of the invitation was actually not 
received until two weeks after all the other official acceptances 
were in; and it was widely reported that Japan's decision to 
attend the conference resulted from assurances from British 
sources that Japan "would not be treated badly" at the meeting. 
However, any assurances from British circles could hardly have 
carried much weight, in view of the fact that one of the chief 
objectives of the conference, though not stated in the formal 
invitation, was to abrogate the Anglo- Japanese alliance. 


Although strong opposition to the continuance of the Anglo- 
Japanese alliance had developed in the United States during the 
war, it was the opposition of the Dominion of Canada that 
forced Great Britain to give serious consideration to the matter 
of discontinuing the pact. The Canadians felt, as did Americans, 
that the belligerent clauses in the alliance imposed dangerous 
obligations on Great Britain in the event of an outbreak of war 
between Japan and the United States. The Canadians, due to 
the geographical situation of the two countries, also had experi- 
enced complications with Japan over immigration questions. 
Immigration complications which the United States had experi- 
enced with Japan in California in 1908 were paralleled in 
Canada. Thus, when American-Japanese relations became acute 
in 1921, the Dominion of Canada was more affected by the so- 
called "North American" point of view as opposed to the Lon- 
don "imperial" viewpoint. In consequence there developed in 
Canada a national demand for termination of the alliance. 

Arthur Meighen, the Canadian Premier, urged the substitu- 
tion of a four-Power conference on Pacific affairs, to be par- 
ticipated in by the United States, Britain, China, and Japan. 
But at the Imperial Conference in London Meighen's efforts met 
strong opposition not only from Lloyd George, but from Cur- 
zon, Balfour, and Lee, all of whom feared the menace of an 
antagonized Japan toward India and Britain's other territorial 
and economic stakes in Eastern Asia and the Pacific. In the hot 
debate which ensued the delegates from Australia, New Zealand 
and India sided with Britain, while South Africa favored re- 
vision rather than abrogation. But Meighen stood his ground, 
and ultimately brought the imperial conference around to his 
point of view. It was this discussion in the Imperial Conference, 
plus England's desire to reach an understanding with the United 
States on the limitation of naval construction, that paved the 
way for the calling of the Washington Conference. 

Aside from France and Italy, which possessed naval arma- 
ment of considerable strength, and also held concessions in 
China, the other European Powers invited to the conference 


Netherlands, Belgium, and Portugal held either concessions in 
China or colonial territories in the region of the Pacific. 

The conference in many ways was of unusual significance: 
it was America's initial attempt to invoke an international con- 
ference for the purpose of reaching a peaceful settlement of 
questions which had long threatened war in the Pacific. At- 
tendance was entirely voluntary in the sense that the conference 
was not made up of delegates representing victorious and van- 
quished nations, as had been the case at Versailles. The British 
delegation was made up of representatives not only of Great 
Britain but of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and India. 

European and Japanese delegates were astonished when 
Charles E. Hughes, chairman of the American delegation, an- 
nounced at the opening session that the United States was pre- 
pared to stop its naval building program and, more, was prepared 
to scrap a number of warships which were in an advanced stage 
of construction. The American proposal was so contrary to 
professional diplomatic practice that the delegates stared at each 
other in wonderment, but it was a proposal which the British 
could hardly afford to contest, since the British Admiralty wp,s 
already concerned by the American naval construction program. 

It was finally agreed that the Anglo-Japanese alliance would 
be abandoned, and Japan was persuaded to accept a 5:5:3 naval 
ratio with the United States and Great Britain. A compensation 
for Japan was the agreement that the United States would not 
increase or continue its construction of fortifications on naval 
and military positions west of the iSoth meridian, American 
naval experts did their best in private to prevent the limiting 
of our fortifications on naval positions in the Western Pacific, 
and also to prevent the curtailment of the United States naval 
building program, but they fought a losing fight. 

All of the agreements, resolutions, and proposals at the con- 
ference were more or less linked together around the central 
document, which was the Nine-Power Treaty with China, upon 
which all commitments depended, including the major issue 


of limitation of naval armament and curtailment of construction 
on naval bases in the Pacific area. The Nine-Power Treaty came 
to be known as the "Chinese Charter of Liberty," because it 
put an end to the old sphere-of-inflnence doctrine which had 
obsessed Europe and Japan, and for more than a quarter of a 
century had threatened dismemberment of China. Aside from 
the Nine-Power Treaty, the Washington Conference also 
adopted other measures concerned with the future development 
of China as a unified state. The Japanese were forced to with- 
draw their troops from Shantung Province and restore the 
former German interests at Tsingtao, including control of the 
port and railway running into the interior of the province, to 
Chinese control. The conference also approved a resolution to 
send a delegation to China to investigate the relinquishment of ex- 
traterritoriality, which had hampered the development of modern 
Chinese courts and had infringed upon the sovereignty of the 
country. It also was recommended that steps be taken to assist 
China in modernizing her currency and her fiscal system, and 
finally the Powers agreed to withdraw their postal agencies from 
China and consented to the calling of a conference to revise 
the Chinese tariff, leading in the direction of tariff autonomy. 
Also of importance from the standpoint of Russian interests 
in the Far East, the Japanese were forced to withdraw their 
troops from Siberia, where they had been stationed since World 
War I. 

I attended the various plenary sessions and sat in the press 
section, from which point it was possible to observe the work- 
ings of the conference. There were several amusing incidents 
which were not on the agenda. One occurred when the gallery 
shouted for Aristide Briand, head of the French Legation. 
William Jennings Bryan, ex-Secretary of State, and outstanding 
pacifist, sat in the front row of the visitors' gallery facing the 
press. Bryan's benign countenance had become familiar at recep- 
tions. He was quite happy over the arms-scrapping phases of 
the conference, and insisted that this was a direct result of his 


efforts on behalf of world peace. When the crowd yelled for 
Briand, Bryan thought they were calling for him and was on 
his feet before a friend seized his coat-tail and polled him down* 

The French displayed little enthusiasm for the conference 
and, while they agreed to restore to China the French-leased 
territory at Kwangchowan, southwest of Canton, they did so 
with poor grace and actually never carried out the terms of their 

Another amusing incident at the first plenary session also 
concerned the French. The various delegations were grouped 
about the large rectangular table in alphabetical order, America 
first, then Britain, China, and so on. The heads of the various 
delegations at the opening session used the English language, 
until they reached the French, who insisted on speaking in 
French. It was the first important international conference in 
which French was not the official language. The French in- 
sistence on use of their own language necessitated a consid- 
erable delay while Briand's remarks were translated into English. 
The next day one of the Washington columnists referred to the 
French as "the only foreigners at the conference." This state- 
ment, plus a cartoon in one of the Baltimore papers showing 
La Belle France in the act of trying on the old German military 
helmet, caused the French to lodge an official protest with the 
State Department regarding the anti-French attitude of the 
Washington" press. 

Secretary of State Charles E. Hughes was the outstanding 
figure at the conference, but he resembled more the religious 
crusader than the statesman. There were two occasions during 
the conference when Hughes pounded on the table to enforce 
his point; the first concerned the scrapping of naval vessels, and 
the second occurred when he reminded the Japanese of their 
promise to evacuate Siberia. He accused them of violating an 
understanding with the United States and Britain when the 
decision was made to intervene in Siberia in the latter months 
of the World War. Each nation had agreed to send one division 
of troops for use in policing the railways to the east of Lake 


Baikal The United States sent 7,000 troops; the Japanese sent 
70,000 and occupied the entire coast from Sakhalin Island down. 
Since the American troops had been evacuated from Siberia, 
Secretary Hughes asked the Japanese flatly what they intended 
to do. The question brought forth from the Japanese a mumbled 
reply that they were already making a plan for evacuation. The 
United States had turned down the application of the Russian 
Soviets to send a delegation to the conference, but the action 
of Secretary Hughes was of very great service to the Russians, 
who at that time lacked military power to force the Japanese 
evacuation of their Far Eastern territory. 

The Japanese delegation retained counsel during the con- 
ference. Their legal advisers were the well-known firm of Cad- 
walader, Wickersham and Taft. The Taft was Henry, brother 
of President Taft, while Mr. Wickersham had served as Attor- 

Dr. Alfred Sze, chairman of the Chinese delegation, was 
responsible for another amusing story which was repeated about 
Washington during the conference. After the Japanese had 
finally yielded to pressure and announced their intention of 
withdrawing their troops from Shantung, Secretary Hughes 
issued instructions for the Chinese and Japanese delegates to 
confer at once in order to arrange the details of the Japanese 
evacuation. Secretary Hughes remarked, "I am an old man and 
I want to see the Shantung Question settled before I die." He 
authorized the American and the British delegations to appoint 
observers to sit in on the Shantung conversation, to see that 
the terms were carried out. The British representative was Sir 
John Jordan, former British Minister, an expert on China. The 
American observer was John Van Antwerp MacMurray, former 
American charge d'affaires at Peking and later Chief of the Far 
Eastern Division of the State Department. At one of the sessions, 
when the Chinese and Japanese delegates were discussing the 
disposition of German properties, the Japanese, for some reason, 
insisted on keeping control of the municipal laundry in Tsingtao, 
an institution which had been established by the Germans. After 


squabbling over the control of this municipal property* for 
several hours, Dr. Sze whispered to MacMurray, "Let the Japs 
have the laundry the Chinese have always had the reputation 
of being the world's laundrymen. We are now glad to permit 
the Japs to share some of that reputation." 

Why did the Washington Conference fail? A cynical news- 
paper friend recently declared: "It had to fail because the Re- 
publican Administration lacked sincerity they never intended 
to put the provisions of the conference into effect. They were 
only interested in one thing, reduction of taxes; and they ac- 
complished that objective by scuttling the American fleet. The 
adoption of the so-called 5:5:3 naval program which gave us 
equality with Great Britain was only a subterfuge, as there was 
no intention to maintain our end of the bargain. Neither the 
Coolidge nor the Hoover Administration constructed a single 
new warship. Coolidge was too stingy to spend any money, and 
Hoover, the Quaker, was opposed to any kind of a navy on 
principle. As for Harding, he never had any ideas on the subject 
aside from those of the Republican bosses, who wanted to save 
money and reduce taxes. Our fleet paid the penalty." 

But this cynical view obviously did not tell the whole story. 
Another friend elaborated: "We were all responsible for the 
failure of the Washington Conference because we were a 
disillusioned people. The let-down and disillusionment which 
followed the war were so complete that we permitted the 
pacifists and internationalists and paid propagandists represent- 
ing foreign interests to dominate our national policy. The Japs 
were quick to take advantage of this situation, ready-made for 
their purposes. It was estimated that the Japs expended no less 
than $10,000,000 annually in the United States on their various 
propaganda schemes." 

A Chinese friend, too independent-minded to be in office, 
also explained the predicament of China resulting from the 
Washington Conference: "They gave us a charter of liberty, 
but failed to provide the means for making our new inde- 


pendence effective. Take the case of extraterritoriality many 
months elapsed before the United States appointed its delegates 
to the International conference authorized to make an investiga- 
tion. Silas H. Strawn, of Chicago, head of the American dele- 
gation, finally denounced the State Department for its dilator!- 
ness. Worst of all, America continued to grant diplomatic 
recognition to the most reactionary elements in China, the mili- 
tary factions which supported the Peking Government, while 
Ignoring Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his Kuomintang associates who 
were developing a more modern nationalist form of govern- 
ment. Finally, It was largely the fault of the United States and 
Great Britain that the new Nationalist Government at Canton 
was permitted to come under Russian influence." 

Wars in the North 

February 6, 1922, and since the China Trade Act had passed 
both houses of Congress and was in the hands of the conference 
committee, I decided to return to Shanghai immediately. At 
that time I felt very optimistic over the developments in Wash- 
ington. I had succeeded in accomplishing what had been re- 
garded as almost impossible in inducing Congress to enact a 
Federal incorporation law for firms engaged in foreign trade in 
the Orient. 

In addition to this the Washington Conference had laid the 
foundation for a new deal in American policy in the Far East. 
Its chief accomplishment, it seemed to me, was the enhancement 
of American prestige in China. The United States at last had 
assumed a position of leadership, and through peaceful means 
had induced the other nations to agree to the fundamentals of 
American policy, particularly the Open Door and the estab- 
lishment of a guarantee of China's political and territorial in- 
tegrity as an independent nation. 

Conditions in China, however, were far from encouraging 
when I arrived in Shanghai on the S.S. Silver State on May 4, 
1922. The first of a series of "wars" between Marshal Chang 
Tso-lin, War Lord of Manchuria, who was supposed to have 
Japanese support, and General Wu Pei-fu, leading militarist of 
North China, had just broken out. Due to the interest in China 
aroused by the Washington Conference, the conflict received 
big headlines in the American papers. 

I made a trip to Peking to survey the situation, and was in- 
terested to see that there was little disturbance of business or 



even of railway travel. The only evidence of the war was the 
frequent stops of our train to permit military specials to pass. 
Chinese farmers along the way were working in their fields as 
usual I found that the northern provinces which made a pre- 
of loyalty to the central government at Peking were con- 
trolled by politicians and militarists interested only in increasing 
their own power. General Wu Pei-fu, with headquarters at 
Loyang, was in process of defeating Chang Tso-lin with the 
help of General Feng Yu-hsiang, the Christian General. I was 
somewhat nonplussed to learn that Dr. Sun Yat-sen in Canton 
was allegedly in alliance with Marshal Chang Tso-lin against 
Wu Pei-fu. However, the alliance came to nothing, because 
Wu Pei-fu succeeded in driving Chang Tso-lin back to Man- 
churia before Dr. Sun got started. 

General Wu Pei-fu, who came nearer to unifying the coun- 
try than any other leader during the difficult phase of the 
"period of the War Lords/* from 1922 to the advent of Gen- 
eralissimo Chiang Kai-shek in 1928, was in many ways an able 
and colorful figure. He always startled foreigners who inter- 
viewed him, because his appearance differed considerably from 
the average Chinese of the northern provinces. Wu had a red 
mustache, his head was longer, his forehead higher, and his nose 
more prominent than the average. Also he was better educated 
than other military men of the period, being a licensed graduate 
of the old literary civil service examinations. 

Wu had another characteristic which was unusual among 
Chinese; he was a heavy drinker, not only of the native shaoshing 
or samshu wine but of imported brandy as well. On one oc- 
casion when Wu's generals were giving him an elaborate birth- 
day party a present arrived from Wu's then chief ally, the 
Christian General, Feng Yu-hsiang. The present was bulky and 
required two servants to carry it into the banquet room. When 
unpacked the parcel was found to contain a large porcelain vase 
of rare type. The servants removed the covering from the top 
of the vase and placed it on the table in front of the guest of 
honor. General Wu arose and poured himself a liberal tumbler 


from the vase and raised It to his lips as he offered a toast to the 
donor. But he stopped short and spat out the mouthful of 
water, which was what the vase contained. In view of Wu's 
well known drinking habits the suggestion implied in the Chris- 
tian General's gift was not lost on the military men present. 

My last interview with General Wu, and probably his last 
interview with any foreign newspaperman, was in the winter 
of 1926-27, after he had been appointed commander-in-chief 
of the Allied Anti-Red Army and had established Ms head- 
quarters at Hankow in Central China. Despite his high-sounding 
title, Wu's position was pathetic, as it constituted the last stand 
of the reactionary northern militarists against the advancing 
Nationalist revolutionary forces from the south. I met Wu at 
breakfast in the garden of an old Chinese home where he had 
his headquarters. He had been drinking more heavily than usual, 
and was depressed because of the collapse of his forces in 
Hunan; they had been completely demoralized by the Russian- 
trained propaganda corps which preceded the advance of the 
Nationalist troops. The Communists exerted their best efforts in 
Hunan and executed their "fifth columnist" work so well that 
Wu's troops fell back without fighting, and while they put up 
a strong fight at Wuchang, last remaining stronghold in central 
China, they ultimately withdrew. 

Wu was carrying an old and frayed Chinese book in his 
hand, and frequently glanced at it during our breakfast inter- 
view. I asked him what the title of the book was. He smiled and 
said, "Military Campaigns of the Kingdom of Wu," and then 
added, "They didn't have any machine guns or airplanes then." 

Wu retired after his defeat. He always refused political 
office, and never profited personally, although for a considerable 
period he had been the most powerful military man in the coun- 
try. He always insisted he was a military man and knew nothing 
about politics which probably explained his failure, as warfare 
in China had become more political than military, as the all- 
conquering Nationalists proved. 

General Feng Yu-hsiang, who in 1922 was supporting Gen- 


eral Wo, was another unusual character. Feng's army, which 
marched to the tune "Onward, Christian Soldiers," was the 
predecessor of the Communist Eighth Route Army in the Chi- 
nese northwest. Like the commanders of the present-day 
Chinese Red Army, Feng Yu~hsiang also received special train- 
ing in Russia and his soldiers carried Russian rifles, some of them 
being American-made, sold or given to the Czarist Government 
in World War I. 

Karl Radek, former Soviet publicist and disciple of Trotsky, 
who was imprisoned in return for his confession, in Stalin's 
purge, used to entertain his friends with stories about Feng Yu- 
hsiang, who was in one of Radek's classes in revolutionary tech- 
nique. He said that Feng, who came from northern Chinese 
peasant stock, sat stolidly through most of the lectures without 
evincing any outward interest in the subjects under discussion. 
One day, however, Feng suddenly pricked up his ears and began 
asking questions. The particular lecture which had aroused 
Feng's interest dealt with army finance and the financing of 
occupied territory, subjects of deep concern to Chinese gen- 
erals, many of whom managed in one way or another to amass 
comfortable fortunes out of funds which passed through their 

Feng came up through the ranks and learned the art of war 
the hard way. Somewhere along the line he fell under the in- 
fluence of an American missionary and was converted to Chris- 
tianity. While Governor of Honan he once ordered an entire 
division baptized in the Christian faith by total immersion in 
the Yellow River. While he was stationed in Peking in 1924 he 
married the secretary of the Peking Y.W.C.A. Politically Feng 
was an undependable ally; in 1924, when Marshal Wu Pei-fu 
was engaged in a life-and-death struggle with Chang Tso-lin, 
Feng, who was holding the Peking district, rebelled and seized 
the capital. He made the then President Tsao Kun a prisoner 
and chased the Manchu Boy Emperor from the Forbidden City, 
where he had resided as a government ward since the revolution 
in 1911. 


Once, in company with a number of other correspondents, 
I Interviewed Feng. One of the newspapermen, I think it was 
the New York Times man, said in the course of his introduction, 
"General, you are a very big man." Feng, who was over six 
feet and large in proportion, replied, "Yes, if you would cut off 
my head and put it on top of yours, we would then be equal/* 
The correspondent puzzled over that remark for several days. 

While Feng was in command of northwest troops at Kalgan 
on the border of Inner Mongolia at the famous Nankow Pass 
in the Great Wall, he engaged a number of American mission- 
aries and college professors to lecture to him on international 
politics. As it was necessary for the lecturers to stay in his yamea 
as guests for two or three days, Feng inquired of a friend as to 
what food foreigners preferred to eat. The friend, not realizing 
the purport of the inquiry, replied, "ice cream/' As a result 
Feng fed his foreign professors on ice cream and little else during 
their entire stay in the Mongolian border town. 

After his return from Russia, Feng joined forces with the 
Nationalists and helped oust the northern militarists, but later he 
rebelled against Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and joined other 
rebels, including Wang Ching-wei, in establishing a so-called 
"Coalition Government" in Peking. When the coalition was 
ousted from Peking, Feng went into retirement, but he rejoined 
the National Government when the Japanese invaded Man- 
churia in 1931. 

I well remember an interview I had with Marshal Chang 
Tso-lin in the spring of 1923. I was on a trip through China 
with a group of American Congressmen who made a tour 
through the Orient following the Washington Conference. 

Chang Tso-lin, military dictator of Manchuria, was popularly 
known among the Chinese as the Manchurian Hungutzu, which 
translated literally, meant "Red-Bearded Bandit/' The term 
originated among the Chinese of North Manchuria, who applied 
it to the Russian buccaneers who first entered that country from 
Siberia several centuries ago. In consequence the term has since 


been applied to all outlaws of any nationality who operated in 
the wilds of Manchuria. Another term applied to Chang Tso-lin 
by foreigners was "Manchurian Tiger," indicating fearlessness 
and ruthlessness. I had frequently heard both terms and was 
prepared to meet a fierce, bearded outlaw with a gun on each 
hip. I was, therefore, astonished when Marshal Chang Tso-lin, 
small, mild, beardless, entered the room where I had been told 
to wait for him. However, the "tiger" designation returned to 
my mind when he escorted me to an adjoining room and asked 
me to sit on a sofa facing him. Directly back of the sofa, so 
near that their whiskers brushed the back of my head, were two 
stuffed Manchurian tigers which looked to be at least ten feet 
long. They were facing each other with their jaws open in a 
fierce snarl, and their heads were not more than six inches apart, 
directly behind my head. 

I interviewed the Marshal regarding domestic Chinese poli- 
tics, and he assured me that his intentions were entirely pacific; 
that he was only interested in unifying China by force, if 
necessary. He denied that the Japanese had anything to do with 
his decision. 

During my interview I repeated the reports about his rela- 
tions with Japan. He told me that he had served on the Japanese 
side during the Russo-Japanese war as a guerrilla leader, 
harassing the communication lines of the Russians, and prob- 
ably had a great deal to do with the defeat of the Russians in 
their war with Japan in 1905. No one was in a better position 
for this work than Chang Tso-lin, for he was a product of the 
Manchurian mountains and forests. 

Little was known of his parents, but, according to popular 
report, his father was also a Hungutzu. I laughingly asked him 
where he obtained his education and, with a twinkle in his eye, 
he replied, through his interpreter, "I was educated in the 
School of Forestry," which answer indicated that he also 
possessed a sense of humor. 

Following his defeat by Wu Pei-fu in 1922, Chang Tso-lin 
maintained an independent position in Manchuria, refusing to 


permit the Government in Peking to interfere in the administra- 
tion of the Manchurian provinces, although the Chinese mari- 
time customs, telegraph administration, and other organs con- 
tinued to function in his territory. 

Late in 1926 he again returned to Peking, this time to assist 
the northern Tuchuns, or military governors, in opposing Gen- 
eralissimo Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist forces, which 
had just come into power in the Yangtze Valley and created 
the new Nationalist Government at Nanking. 

It was widely believed that Marshal Chang Tso-lin was 
being pressed by the Japanese Kwantung or Manchurian mili- 
tary faction which wanted to prevent Chiang Kai-shek and the 
Nationalists from assuming control over North China. The ele- 
ment of Japanese support, however, was denied by Chang, who 
insisted that he independent of the Japanese, which denial 
he reiterated in another interview which I had with him at 
Peking, prior to Chiang Kai-shek's advances into the northern 
provinces. I remembered that the Manchurian War Lord had 
once been in alliance with Dr. Sun Yat-sen, s the Cantonese 

When Chiang Kai-shek's army reached Shantung Province, 
Chang Tso-lin, for reasons of his own, suddenly withdrew from 
Peking and returned to Mukden. As his train was passing 
through a viaduct, under the Japanese South Manchurian Rail- 
way, there was a tremendous explosion and Chang Tso-lin's 
private car was blown to smithereens, and with it Chang and 
several of his military subordinates and associates in the Man- 
churian Government. Since the explosion occurred at a closely 
guarded section of the Japanese railway, it was obvious that the 
Japanese army in Manchuria was responsible for the action, 
apparently as punishment for Chang's refusal to remain in 
Peking and oppose the Nationalist army. The incident caused a 
serious crisis in Tokyo, resulting in the resignation of the Pre- 
mier, who stated in his official announcement that he was forced 
to relinquish office "because of an incident in another country." 
Chang Tso-lin was succeeded as ruler of Manchuria by his 


son, Chang Hsueh-liang, who immediately declared himself in 
favor of Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang, and hoisted the 
Nationalist flag over all government buildings throughout 

Although under the heel of the Japanese militarists and often 
forced to do their bidding, Chang Tso-lin was a patriotic Chi- 
nese for all that. He contributed much of his fortune to educa- 
tion, and while himself without the benefit of book learning, he 
had a good knowledge of the game of international politics 
played by the Russians and Japanese in northeastern Asia. He 
played his cards wisely, and managed to keep his territory intact. 

During the year which followed my return from the Wash- 
ington Conference, important developments were taking place 
at my office. Mr. Millard, who had been actively engaged in its 
management for only a short time after it was founded, decided 
to withdraw entirely from the Review. When he had left 
Shanghai for a trip to New York in 1917, I had no idea that he 
would not return, but his stay was extended from month to 
month, and year to year. In 1922 he decided to accept an ad- 
visory position with the Chinese Government, and I took over his 
stock interest in the Review, thus becoming financially and edi- 
torially responsible for the paper. The financial outlook was 
complicated by the fact that the support which Millard had 
received from Mr. Crane was not continued following his with- 
drawal. I was therefore left in the position of lifting myself by 
my own bootstraps. Had it not been for the advertising con- 
tracts I had obtained with Chinese concerns, we would have 
had difficulty in continuing publication. I decided at this time 
to change the name of the Review, the full title of which was 
Millard's Review of the Far East, I had in any case always 
regarded the original title as too restrictive and personal. We 
experimented with various names, the first being The Weekly ^ 
Review of the Far East, and ultimately the title which we 
adopted in June, 1923, was The China Weekly Review. 

While considering the matter of a new name for the paper, 


I made an interesting discovery. I found the old saying "What's 
in a name" had a peculiar application in China, because a name 
once established could never be changed. This applies not only 
to the name itself, but also to the manner in which it is written, 
foreign firms trading in China guard their names and the names 
of their products most jealously, because the slightest change 
often creates in the minds of the customers suspicions which may 
have disastrous results. This refers particularly to the name as 
written in the Chinese language, although the manner of writing 
or printing the English name is also important; Chinese naturally 
look at the Chinese characters first, even though they are familiar 
with the English language. We therefore continued the title as 
written in Chinese characters as it had appeared originally 
(Millar f s Review of the Far East). 


Incident of the Blue Express 

i A Chinese Hold-Up 

ON THE EVENING OF MAY 5, 1923, I was traveling between 
Nanking and Peking, together with a few other newspapermen. 
Our destination was a recently completed reclamation project 
which the American Red Cross had financed in connection with 
a famine-relief project on the Yellow River. Our train, con- 
sisting of first-, second-, and third-class coaches, was China's 
crack "Blue Express," the first train of all-steel coaches ever 
seen in the Orient, which had been purchased by the Chinese 
Railway Administration in the United States only a few months 
before. The first-class coaches were made up entirely of com- 
partments and all were filled by passengers of a half dozen or 
more nationalities, some on trips around the world, others busi- 
nessmen on local trips. 

Among the passengers were Americans, Britons, French- 
men, Italians, Mexicans, one Rumanian, and numerous Chinese. 
There were many women and children, including Miss Lucy 
Aldrich, sister-in-law of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and daughter 
of the late Senator Nelson Aldrich of Rhode Island. Miss 
Aldrich was traveling with a companion, a Miss McFadden, and 
a French maid, Mademoiselle Schonberg. There were two 
tMted States Army officers on board, Major Allen and Major 
Finger, with their wives and children, and several French and 
American businessmen. The Mexicans were Mr. and Mrs. 
Ancera Verea of Guadalajara, who were on a honeymoon trip 
through the Orient. Mr. Verea was a well known industrialist. 
Another passenger was "Commendatore" G. D. Musso, an ex- 
ceedingly wealthy Italian lawyer who had amassed a fortune 



in mysterious ways in the Shanghai International Settlement. 
For many years he was attorney for the Shanghai Opium Com- 
bine. Musso became one of the early backers of Mussolini and 
half owner of one of the leading newspapers in Rome. He was 
accompanied by his attractive secretary, Signorina Pirelli. I 
later learned that a number of Japanese, who had boarded the 
train at Shanghai with through tickets to Peking, had mysteri- 
ously debarked during the evening when the train reached the 
town of Hsuchowfu. 

My compartment-mate was a Frenchman named Berube, an 
employee of the Chinese Customs Administration, who was re- 
turning to his work in China after extended service in the French 
army on the Western Front. I had not known him previously, 
but the recent war in Europe and the disturbed political situa- 
tion in the Far East provided subjects for conversation that 
kept us up until 2 A.M. It was early spring and a bright moon 
was shining, making the barren rocky Shantung Mountains 
quite visible in the distance. We had raised the window so as 
to enjoy the warm breeze, and just before retiring I looked out 
the window and remarked to Berube that we were passing 
through "bandit territory," as the mountainous area including 
parts of three provinces, Kiangsu, Anhwei, and Shantung, 
had long been notorious as a haunt for roving bands of ex-sol- 
diers who had served in the provincial armies and, being unable 
to find jobs, had taken up banditry. Some of the bandit leaders 
had a Robin Hood reputation, but most of them were engaged 
in plain outlawry, looting towns and villages and kidnaping 
their inhabitants. 

The train had just crossed the divide from Kiangsu into 
Shantung Province and was proceeding slowly, when there was 
a sudden grinding of brakes and the cars came to an abrupt 
halt so abrupt that many passengers were tumbled out of 
their berths. There was a great deal of shouting and firing out- 
side, and I stuck my head out of the window to see what was 
going on. I quickly withdrew it, however, when a bandit fired 
his rifle in the air within a couple of feet of my head, but I had 


time to see what looked like a small army of men swarming 
down the embankment, yelling and firing their rifles as they 
came. They climbed into the cars through the windows, ran 
along the corridors and began routing the passengers out of 
their berths while they ransacked the baggage. One man, a 
Rumanian, objected to being pushed around and threw a teapot 
at his captor. The bandit raised his rifle and fired, killing the 
man instantly. There was no further resistance. I had in my bag 
a small .zj-caliber automatic I had purchased in Washington. 
My French compartment-mate also had his service revolver, but 
we quickly decided that our armament was outclassed by the 
weapons in the hands of the highwaymen, and handed over our 
revolvers without protest. The bandits in our compartment were 
so elated by getting our guns that they permitted us to put on 
our clothes and shoes, a lucky break for us as most of the 
passengers, women as well as men, were attired only in their 
nightgowns and pajamas as the bandits lined us up along the 

Placing a guard over us, the bandits completed the looting 
of the train, including the baggage and mail car. Even the 
mattresses and rugs were torn out, and I noticed one bandit 
who had filled his pockets with electric light bulbs. The job 
completed, the chief, a young man whom we later came to 
know as Sven Mao-yao, gave the order to march and we started 
out single file up a dry rocky ravine into the mountains. Each 
captive was accompanied by two bandits, one on each side. 
There were about two hundred passengers on the train, but the 
bandits numbered fully a thousand. 

The Frenchman and I shook hands and made a mutual vow 
that we would stick together and help each other to the end, 
regardless of the outcome. As we stumbled up the ravine we 
heard a woman crying, and hurrying along we came on 
Mademoiselle Schonberg, the French maid, who was limping 
and holding her side as though she had been wounded. As we 
helped her over the rocks she told us, in a mixture of French 
and English, that she was Miss Aldrich's n^id and was carrying, 


concealed Inside her nightgown, a purse containing her mistress's 
jewelry. She had managed to conceal the purse from the prying 
eyes of the bandits by holding It inside her nightgown and 
pretending she was injured. She asked us what to do with the 
jewelry, as she feared the purse would be detected after day- 
light. ^Neither Berube nor I wished to take the responsibility of 
protecting the Aldrich diamonds, and 1 advised Mademoiselle 
to throw the purse into the field and trust that an honest farmer 
would find it. Mademoiselle decided, however, to keep the 
purse, even though It might cost her her life. We finally induced 
the bandits to permit her and the small son of one of the Amer- 
ican army officers to ride one of the donkeys that the bandits 
had caught in a field through which we passed. 

Daybreak revealed one of the strangest sights that these 
ancient hills had ever witnessed. The train passengers, each still 
accompanied by two individual captors, were strung out for a 
half mile up the side of the mountain, while to the rear there 
was another straggling line of bandits almost as long, sweating 
under the loot they had taken from the train, including our 
suitcases and even the precious mattresses from the sleeping 
berths. As the sun came up and it grew warmer and the climb 
more precipitous, the bandits would dump the mattresses on the 
ground and sit or lie on them. 

All of the bandits had trinkets they had taken from the 
compartments, including tooth brushes and paste, safety razors 
and shaving cream, cameras and rolls of films, fountain pens, 
rings of keys, pocket knives, tins of talcum powder, and 
women's beauty accessories. One bandit had found a lady's 
brassiere which he had tied about his waist; he was using the 
compartments to carry his valuables. Since most of the passen- 
gers were without shoes, the going was slow and hazardous and 
painful, as there was only a narrow rocky path leading to the 
summit of the mountain. Since Berube and I had our shoes we 
walked faster and soon were at the head of the long line. There 
I noticed a woman riding a donkey bareback and having con- 


siderable difficulty in staying on and keeping her silk nightgown 
from blowing away entirely in the gale. I searched my mind to 
think of something I could do to help her. Noticing a bandit 
carrying a lady's broad-brimmed straw hat which he had taken 
from the train, I asked him for it and pointed toward the woman 
on the donkey. He laughed and handed me the hat. I caught up 
with the donkey-rider, who was Miss Aldrich, and handed her 
the hat, but she soon threw it away, as it was impossible to 
keep it on and remain on the donkey at the same time. She 
needed other articles of attire more than the hat. 

Our slow pace up the mountainside was suddenly accelerated 
by rifle shots fired from a considerable distance in the rear 
which zimmed over our heads and ricocheted off the rocks 
above us. The shots were fired by a contingent of militia which 
had been dispatched from a nearby town by the railway authori- 
ties. Our captors immediately returned the fire, while we dodged 
for protection behind the nearest rocks, but there was little 
actual danger, as both sides were firing wild. 

At about 10 o'clock in the morning we reached the top of 
the mountain, on which was a crude fort with walls and rifle 
rests all about. We climbed through an opening and fell in a 
heap, completely exhausted and nearly famished. After resting 
a few minutes we went through the available baggage brought 
up by the bandits, and managed to find ,a few needed articles 
of clothing. Someone would yell, "Hey, there, give me my 
pants," and there would be an exchange, much to the amuse- 
ment of the bandits. Several of the men sacrificed their pa jama 
shirts for use as bandages for the bleeding feet and sprained 
ankles of the women. 

But the strangest scene of all was enacted when Made- 
moiselle Schonberg caught up with her mistress and joyously 
restored to her the family jewels. With great presence of mind 
Miss Aldrich carefully inspected the surrounding terrain and 
when the bandits looked the other way, she concealed the purse 
under a large flat stone. Later she borrowed a pencil from a 
bandit chief and made a rough sketch of the place where she 


had concealed the purse. Carefully folding the little piece of 
paper, she placed it in the toe of her shoe. Weeks later, after 
the bandit affair had been liquidated, a Chinese clerk in the 
Socony office in Tsinanfu went to the district, found the purse 
and returned it intact to the owner. 

While we were doctoring our scratches and bruises and try- 
ing to make the women captives comfortable, the bandit chiefs 
went to one side for a conference. These conferences, which 
became increasingly frequent, led to the impression that while 
the original wrecking of the train may have been carefully 
planned, they were not so sure about their next move. They 
were constantly sending men out to reconnoiter, and when 
they returned there were further conferences. It was late after- 
noon, and since we had had neither food nor drink since dinner 
the preceding day, we were wondering about the next meal. 
Just before dark there was a commotion at the gate, and some 
men arrived bearing a basket and several earthenware jugs. The 
basket was filled with fresh eggs which the bandits passed out, 
one to each captive. Someone demonstrated how to eat a raw 
egg by chipping a small hole in each end and then by holding 
back the head it was possible to suck out the contents without 
the loss of a precious drop. There was sufficient water in the 
jugs for a good swallow around. 

During the afternoon the firing had been resumed from the 
direction of the railway, the bullets glancing off the rocks with 
an angry zing. About 5 P.M. one of the chiefs arrived and asked 
us to write a message to Generals Wo and Wu, commanders of 
the district, warning them that all foreigners would be im- 
mediately killed unless the firing ceased. We made a condition 
that we would write only under a pledge that the women and 
children be released. Since I was the only foreign newspaper- 
man in this particular group, the passengers unanimously chose 
me to write the letter. Larry Lehrbas, then a reporter on the 
China Press, later well known foreign correspondent for the 
Associated Press and still later a colonel on the staff of General 
MacArthur, had been on the train but had hid under a seat and 


managed to escape in the confusion. The chief at first insisted 
that one of the foreigners carry the message down the mountain- 
side but later changed his mind and handed the note to one of 
his own followers, who tied a white rag to a pole which he held 
over his shoulder and cautiously advanced through the gate. 
After waving it a few minutes to attract attention, he descended 
the hill. The firing soon stopped. 

As darkness came on the bandits began packing their belong- 
ings for a move and motioned for us to get ready. At this point 
one of the women captives approached me rather hesitatingly 
and said she wished to speak to me privately. She led me to one 
side and pointing to one of the women captives who was partly 
concealed behind two other women, asked me whether I would 
request the bandits to make a search through the baggage to find 
a dress. I then saw that the woman, or rather girl, as she wasn't 
over eighteen, was attired only in a thin cotton shirt and black 
tight-fitting sateen bloomers which came about half way down 
to her knees. The girl was Signorina Pirelli, private secretary to 
the Italian lawyer Musso. We then checked up on our personnel 
and discovered that Musso had not arrived. Since he was quite 
corpulent, weighing over 300 pounds, we decided he had ex- 
perienced difficulty climbing the mountains. His secretary's lack 
of suitable mountain-climbing attire also presented a problem. 
However, the embarrassing situation was saved when someone 
found a thin silk dressing gown in one of the bundles of looted 
clothes carried by one of the bandits. Signorina Pirelli expressed 
her gratitude in voluble Italian which no one understood, but 
the import of which was taken for granted. 

As night came on it suddenly greW cloudy and soon there 
were blinding flashes of lightning followed by thunder which 
reverberated through the mountains like heavy artillery. The 
chief gave the order to march as the rain began to descend in 
waves, a real mountain deluge that often made breathing diffi- 
cult. Between flashes we stumbled down a precipitous path on 
the opposite side of the mountain from that by which we had 


ascended. We finally reached the valley and were led along 
a stream which was swollen out of its banks by the flood. After 
stumbling through the water and mud for several hours, we 
approached the environs of a village. We could see the dark 
walls and could hear what seemed like a dozen dogs barking at 
once. Finally we were marched into a dark, rectangular com- 
pound with a low mud wall surrounding the four sides and 
some low buildings along one end. We were led to the open 
doors of the buildings and told to go inside. The buildings were 
stables, but the floors were dry and covered by kaoliang, a 
species of sorghum carrying grain in the tassel at the top which 
provides food for man and beast, and which takes the place of 
rice in the northern provinces. The peasant farmers in North 
China make flour of the kaoliang seeds, which they mix with 
water and salt and bake in large thin cakes. They then roll these 
cakes about a mixture of chopped meat and vegetables seasoned 
with hot peppers, somewhat in the fashion of a Mexican tamale. 
But there were none of these cakes available for us that night, 
although each captive was provided with a bowl of hot weak 
tea. Despite our wet clothes we dropped on the floor and went 
to sleep immediately from complete exhaustion, not waking 
until late afternoon. 

The awakening was abrupt, and it was apparent the bandits 
were in a hurry. As we got ready to start there was a commo- 
tion in front of one of the buildings and we recognized our 
Italian fellow-passenger, Signor Musso. He had fallen over an 
embankment on the way up the mountains and had injured his 
spine, making it necessary for the bandits to carry him on an 
improvised litter made of poles and covered with straw. 

As we were assembling we realized that all the women had 
vanished, and a hurried search of the compound failed to locate 
them. Inquiry of the bandits only brought the laconic reply, 
with a shrug of the shoulder, "Mei-yao," meaning literally "no 
have got." We were suddenly surprised to hear a feminine voice 
emanating from what appeared to be a well dressed youth. It 
was the bride of Ancera Verea, the Mexican businessman from 


Guadalajara. Mrs. Verea said that the bandits who were looking 
after the women had led them away the night before and had 
tried to induce her to join them. She had refused to leave her 
husband, and had been fortunate in finding a suit of men's cloth- 
ing in one of the bundles of loot taken from the train. The 
bandits had finally allowed her to remain with her husband. 
We hoped that the women had been returned to the railroad 
in accordance with the pledge the chief had given, but it was 
some time later that we were reassured on this score. Our party 
of captives was now reduced to about twenty. 

2 A Sit-Down Strike 

The next ten days were a nightmare of forced marches, 
always at night, doubling and redoubling on narrow rocky trails 
through the mountains, often only a few jumps ahead of pur- 
suing soldiers. We crossed railway tracks twice, which puzzled 
us for several days until we learned that the bandits had taken 
us into an isolated area served by a branch line which ran to a 
coal mine. The nearest station was known as Tsaochwang, but 
we never saw it until we were released several weeks later. 

The distance we walked in the first few days, usually at a 
rapid pace, could only be guessed at, but we were sure it ex- 
ceeded a hundred miles. Since we were constantly passing 
donkeys grazing in the fields, we begged the bandits to permit 
us to ride, but to no avail. One day after a particularly exhaust- 
ing stretch I suggested to the other captives that we refuse to 
move unless they provided us with donkeys. Since the bandit 
chiefs were aware that I was the ringleader in the "sit-down" 
strike, one of them approached me and drawing his revolver 
threatened me with it. Knowing that we were valuable only as 
live, not dead "guests," I laughed at the bandit and pulled my 
shirt open in a gesture of bravado. The bandit did not shoot, but 
he seized a heavy pole and struck me over the shoulders, causing 
bruises which I carried for many days. But it was worth it, 
as the bandits realized we were in earnest and provided donkeys 


and ponies. Most of the donkeys had such sharp backs that 
many of us decided that walking was preferable after all. 

Signor Musso, the Italian, presented our chief problem, as 
he had to be carried and required constant attention. The soles 
of his feet were a mass of blisters resulting from stumbling 
barefoot over stones on our first night's march up the dry ravine. 
One day I saw a bandit with a safety razor in his parcel of loot. 
I borrowed the blade and opened the blisters on Musso's feet, 
thereby creating the impression among the outlaws that I was a 
doctor. After we were established several days later in the 
bandit lair the men constantly brought members of the gang 
to me for treatment. Fortunately by that time we had received 
some medical supplies, which had been sent in by the American 
Red Cross, and I was able to comply with the request for medi- 
cal attention. Once when I was applying iodine to a curious- 
looking sore on a man's back, one of our interpreters, who was 
a medical student, came up and after examining the man, pro- 
nounced him a sufferer from leprosy. The crowd that had been 
standing around watching me, cleared out in short order. I also 
was alarmed until the student assured me it was not very con- 

Lack of food was our chief problem on the long march. 
When we appealed to our captors, they would pat their own 
empty stomachs and complain that they "didn't have anything 
to eat either." One day they brought us some fresh meat which 
they said was "young cow." Two of us stayed up and boiled 
it all day and only by nightfall were we able to pull some of the 
meat from the bones. However, the soup was tasteful and every- 
body had a bowlful. Later, we were informed that our veal stew 
was Shantung dog, a particularly tough type of mangy cur. A 
missionary friend told me there was a superstition among the 
peasants that anyone who ate Shantung dog became possessed of 
the spirits which that particular dog had harbored, for a period 
of seven years. 

On another occasion our captors produced a supply of the 
familiar Shantung "tamales," but these seemed to have a dif- 


ferent kind of filling. I fished out a piece and asked one of our 
captors what it was. He walked to the side of the path, turned 
over a large flat stone and catching one of the scampering insects 
in his fingers carefully held it up for inspection. We recog- 
nized It as a scorpion. The man explained that it was customary 
for the peasants to cut off the stingers and then boil the bodies 
in salt water, after which the shells were removed and a pal- 
atable morsel left which somewhat resembled shrimps. Since I 
had once been stung by a scorpion I decided to pass up tamales 
until we reached a district where other forms of meat were 
more plentiful. 

We began to realize that the bandits were nearing their 
destination. We passed over a high rocky divide and entered a 
fertile valley about thirty miles long and about fifteen miles 
wide. The valley gradually narrowed at the upper end to a 
gorge with precipitous sides along which ran a narrow path. 
At the head of the gorge was a "sugar-loaf" type of mountain, 
five or six thousand feet high and flat at the top. About half way 
up the mountain the incline was gradual, but the upper portion 
was a solid rock with precipitous sides apparently impossible to 
scale. There was a small village at the foot of the moun- 
tain, built on both side^ of a mountain torrent that was fed 
by a spring which gushed from the rocks higher up the 

We were guided up the narrow road for several hundred 
feet. In many places it consisted of narrow stair-steps cut in 
the solid rock. At last we came to a wooded glen and there we 
found an ancient temple abandoned and in ruins. Only one or 
two rooms were habitable, and apparently they had provided 
shelter for the bandit gang. Back of the temple we discovered 
several chambers of caves which had been hewn into the side 
of the mountain, and apparently had served as storage places 
for grain and other food and also, possibly, for loot. However, 
the caves were empty when we arrived at the temple. It was 
easy to see that the stronghold to which the bandits had brought 


us was impregnable against attack. The only entrance was up 
the narrow gorge or canyon, while the valley below was easily 
defended, as it was entirely surrounded by mountains. One day 
in rummaging about the place we found an ancient tablet con- 
taining carved inscriptions apparently written by Buddhist 
priests. One of our student captives translated the characters. 
They told a story of banditry and interference with the work 
of the priests for a period of several centuries, resulting in a 
final decision to abandon the temple to the outlaws. 

As the bandits marched us through the villages the entire 
population turned out to see the spectacle of the captive for- 
eigners, something never previously seen in China, with the 
possible exception of the disturbed period of the Boxer Uprising 
in North China in 1900. As we paraded through one village I 
saw an attractive Chinese girl dressed in silks and wearing so 
much jewelry that she had the appearance of a jewelry shop 
window display figure. As the girl waved at us, I recognized 
her as a former passenger on the ill-fated Blue Express. She had 
become hysterical on the night of the attack and her screams 
could be heard above the shouts and shots of the bandits. We 
had wondered what had become of her. 

After we had been in the camp for several days and were 
allowed some freedom, I went down to the village with one of 
our student interpreters and two escorts supplied by the chief 
and made inquiry about the mystery of the Chinese girl she 
was about sixteen years old. It developed that she was a "sing- 
song" girl, or entertainer, who was being sent to the camp of 
a well known northern general as a "present" from General Hu 
Feng-lin, who was then military governor of the Shanghai dis- 
trict. But she never reached her destination. One of our chiefs 
took a fancy to her and annexed her to his own private en- 
tourage. She seemed to be quite happy in her new surroundings 
and anxious to display the jewelry the chief had given her, 
most of which had been looted from the foreign passengers on 
the train. I looked in vain, during the interview, for my class 


3 Word from the Outside World 

The bandit lair to which we had been taken was called 
Mount Pao-tzu-ku. It was somewhat separated from the regular 
Shantung Mountains and was about forty miles from the railway 
station and coal mine of Tsaochwang, from which it was visible 
on clear days. 

Since we had been on the move continuously for practically 
two weeks, we had no knowledge whatever of the tremendous 
commotion which the kidnaping had stirred up in the outside 
world. Our first news came to us in a most unusual but welcome 
manner. It was a copy of the China Press, published at Shanghai, 
and it was the wrapping of a parcel which contained something 
even more welcome than the paper, namely, a well cured ham 
from one of the half-wild pigs which roamed the wildest parts 
of the Shantung countryside. 

On the margin of the paper was a note stating that the parcel 
was sent to us by an American missionary, the Rev. Carroll H. 
Yerkes, who conducted a school under the jurisdiction of the 
Presbyterian Mission in a district known as Yihsien, which was 
a considerable distance from the place where we were held. 
Later Mr. Yerkes informed us that he had learned of our where- 
abouts from a Chinese petty officer who had been sent with a 
small contingent of soldiers to Yihsien by the governor of the 
province to protect the mission property and inmates from the 
bandits. After he had notified the American consular authori- 
ties, Mr. Yerkes induced a Chinese convert to carry the pared 
through the bandit lines to our camp on Mount Pao-tzu-ku. 
Several days later the same messenger arrived with another par- 
cel, containing another ham, some coffee and a number of books. 
I unwrapped the books and passed them out, one each, to all of 
the captives. The books were copies of the New Testament. 

Some days later, Leon Friedman, the motor car dealer from 
Shanghai, looked up from perusal of his copy of the Holy Scrip- 
tures and exclaimed, "What is a Jew supposed to do in these 
circumstances? First we starve, and a missionary sends us a 


ham; then when we want something to read he sends us the 
New Testament!" 

Before long, we had our first visitor from the outside world, 
an elderly German Catholic missionary, the Rev. Father Lenf ers, 
one of the few survivors of a band of missionaries sent to Shan- 
tung from imperial Germany in the last quarter of the preceding 
century. Several of these priests were killed by bandits, possibly * 
predecessors of our captors, which provided Kaiser Wilhelm 
with his excuse for seizing the port of Kiachow Bay on the 
Shantung coast and demanding the right to build a railway into 
the interior of the province. But the Kaiser's policy had not 
helped missionary work; only a few of the German priests re- 
mained. They wore Chinese clothes, spoke Chinese, and had 
almost forgotten their native tongue. Our little band of captives, 
foreigners and Chinese, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protes- 
tants, welcomed Father Lenfers with open arms, for he not only 
brought us news from the outside world, and valuable informa- 
tion about the strength of the bandit gang, he also brought us 
several bottles of excellent wine which he had made himself. 

According to the news brought us by Father Lenfers and 
the newspapers sent us by Mr. Yerkes, the foreign Powers, led 
by the United States and Great Britain, had made a strong 
demand on the Peking Government that steps be taken immedi- 
ately to effect the rescue of the foreign captives. Only Japan 
held off and remained cold to all proposals to bring pressure to 
bear on the Chinese authorities. Tokyo officialdom shrugged its 
collective shoulder and called attention to the fact that no Japa- 
nese were held captive by the bandit gang. When as a result 
of dilly-dallying on the part of provincial and central govern- 
ment authorities, it was suggested that the United States, Great 
Britain, France, and Italy stage a naval demonstration at Tsing- 
tao and Pukow, the nearest Chinese ports to the scene of the 
bandit escapade, Tokyo spokesmen called attention to the 
"unseemly attitude of the Powers in view of their recent action 
at the Washington Arms Limitation Conference in forcing 
Japan to evacuate the province." The Japanese also let it be 


known that the bandit incident might never have occurred had 
Japan been permitted to remain in the province "to maintain 

Of greatest personal interest to myself, I learned from the 
copies of the China Press which we received that two accounts 
of the wrecking of the train and the highlights of our ensuing 
captivity, which I had secretly written on scraps of waste paper 
during our long trek through the mountains, had finally reached 
the outside world and had been printed in my paper, the China 
Weekly Review, at Shanghai, and had also been cabled abroad. 
After writing the accounts, I wrote the name and address of the 
American Consul at Tsinanfu, the provincial capital, on the 
back of the folded sheaf of pages and one day when the bandits 
were not watching I handed the papers to a villager as we were 
being marched through a town. The manuscript was delivered 
to the Consul and my account, "written from the inside," got 
out without undue delay. It was so miraculous that many people 
wouldn't believe it and insisted that the story was faked. Even 
some of my friends did not believe the story was genuine until 
I was released and confirmed the details of what I had written. 

The American Minister to China at this time was Dr. Jacob 
Gould Schurman, former president of Cornell University, prob- 
ably the most intelligent and effective diplomatic representative 
sent to China by the United States in the disturbed period of a 
quarter of a century following the close of World War I. As 
soon as he received word of the bandit affair, Dr. Schurman 
called the attention of the Peking authorities to the seriousness 
of the incident, and warned them to take all possible steps to 
assure the safety of the captives and obtain their early release. 
Dr. Schurman then went to Paoting, where he conferred directly 
with the militarist General Tsao Kun, following which he re- 
peated his warnings to the Chinese officials at Tsinan, Nanking 
and Shanghai. 

But of more importance, from the standpoint of the actual 


safety and welfare of the captives, Dr. Schurman arranged with 
the American Red Cross to send a mission to Tsaochwang with 
supplies of food and clothing. In addition, he arranged with 
the diplomatic representatives of Great Britain, France, and 
Italy to send consular representatives to establish direct contact 
with the Shantung provincial authorities and even with the 
bandit chiefs, if possible, so as to facilitate negotiations for the 
release of the captives. The American consular representative 
was John K. Davis, stationed at Nanking, while the representa- 
tive of the American Red Cross was Carl Crow, well known 
journalist and former managing editor of the China Press of 

Another well known American who participated In the 
parlous negotiations was Roy Anderson, son of missionary par- 
ents, who was born in China and probably had a better knowl- 
edge of the Chinese language and a wider acquaintance with 
China's officialdom than any other foreigner in China at the 
time. Anderson was assisted by S. T. Wen, the Chinese Com- 
missioner of Foreign Affairs at Nanking. Both entered the 
bandit lines at great personal risk and initiated negotiations 
which led to the bandits granting permission for food to be sent 
to the foreign prisoners. 

4 Red Cross to the Rescue 

One day we saw in the distance across the valley a long 
caravan of carrier coolies approaching our stronghold. After a 
wait of what seemed to be hours the head of the caravan ap- 
peared at the gate of the temple courtyard. The sweating coolies 
were carrying several large boxes, each bearing the insignia of 
the Red Cross. We tore into the boxes in short order. They were 
filled with food bread, cans of bully-beef, vegetables and fruit, 
and even several boxes of California raisins. 

The- leader had a letter explaining that the American Red 
Cross had negotiated a deal with the bandit leaders whereby 


they agreed to permit food to be sent through their lines to the 
captives, provided the Red Cross would at the same rime send 
along a large supply of rice and flour for the bandits. Carl Crow, 
director of the Red Cross expedition, asked us to check up on 
the supplies to see that the bandits had observed the agreement. 
We found nothing missing, although the coolies had carried 
the cases for practically forty miles through the outlaws' 

That night we staged a never-to-be-forgotten banquet, with 
an invocation by Major Finger, one of the captive American 
army officers, and speeches by everybody present. Sounds of 
festivity also reached us from the adjoining courtyard, where 
our captors and the Chinese prisoners were celebrating the 
arrival of the first real food they had eaten in about three weeks. 
Everybody wrote letters to be taken back by the caravan the 
following morning. 

A later caravan brought us folding camp cots and mosquito 
nets, contributed by the United States Fifteenth Infantry Regi- 
ment then stationed at Tientsin. Our sojourn as guests of the 
bandits began to take on the character of an outing in the 
mountains except for the presence of our ragamuffin "hosts." 
The arrival of food greatly improved our relations, at least with 
those of our captors who were in our immediate vicinity. We 
learned that the reports of the success of the bandits in obtain- 
ing supplies of food had spread through the mountains and in 
consequence the bandit gang had swelled from the original 
thousand to more than three thousand, most of the new arrivals 
being deserters from nearby provincial armies. We also learned 
that the force the Government had sent against the bandits 
numbered about eight thousand, but they were more or less 
powerless due to the constant threat of the bandit leaders to 
execute the captives in case they were pressed too hard. 

One minor chief, an ill-natured rascal, known as "Bo-bo" 
Liu, who had had trouble with the Germans at Tsingtao, con- 
stantly argued in favor of killing one or two of the captives 


in order to speed up the negotiations. These reports and other 
gossip constantly seeped in to us through our student interpret- 
ers, who hobnobbed with the bandits and passed the informa- 
tion on to us. 

Father Lenfers, the German Catholic priest, returned to our 
camp one day and motioning me to one side told me a story 
that made my flesh creep. He said that he had been told by a 
member of the gentry who lived in one of the railway towns 
that a particular group among the bandits concerned itself with 
the kidnaping of children, and that the gang was holding a 
number of children for ransom in a hut on top of the mountain, 
the precipitous sides of which towered over our temple. Father 
Lenfers suggested that we investigate. 

Early the next morning I asked one of the chiefs to provide 
me and Father Lenfers with an escort, as we wished to take 
a walk around the side of the mountain. No one was permitted 
to leave the temple compound without two guards. The Catho- 
lic priest, more familiar with the habits of soldiers and bandits, 
told me to fill an army canteen with some of the brandy he had 
brought us. I followed his advice, and after climbing briskly 
for about an hour we reached the base of the cliff, which rose 
almost perpendicularly to the summit, a distance of perhaps 
five hundred feet. 

Hot and out of breath from the climb, we sat down on a 
flat rock in the sun to rest. With a wink at Father Lenfers, I 
handed our captor-guides the canteen containing a full quart 
of home-brewed brandy. The two worthies gulped it down like 
so much milk, and within a few minutes both were stretched 
out on the rock sound asleep. Father Lenfers and I then set out 
along the narrow path that led around the base of the cliff. Our 
search was soon rewarded: we came to a crevice or gigantic 
split in the face of the cliff, as though a thin slice had been cut 
off an enormous cake, which the upper part of Mount Pao-tzu-ku 
resembled. There we discovered the way to the top a crude 


ladder made of hand-holds chiseled in the granite. There were 
small platforms or landings at intervals of about fifty feet up 
to* a point where the ascent became more gradual and a steep 
stairway, also cut in the rock, led to the top. 

Glancing back toward our guards, who were still sprawled 
on the rock, with their mouths open, snoring loudly, we de- 
cided to attempt the ascent. I led the way, with the venerable 
Father following a few rungs behind with his robe tucked up 
under his belt to give him freedom of movement. After we 
had reached the second landing, about one hundred feet up, 
Father Lenf ers put his hand to his heart and sat down. He could 
go no further. 

I told him to return to the base and watch the guards, while 
I climbed on up to the top. Knowing that I did not have much 
time, I hurried, and finally reached the top. Like the mountain 
top where we had first been taken, this also had been converted 
into a fort, but more effort had gone into the work here. There 
were several huts covered with thatch, well weighted down 
with rocks. There were several large wells or tanks cut in the 
stone to catch the rain-water, while other tanks were filled with 
grain and fuel. The bandits could hold out here almost indefi- 
nitely. I remembered the inscription on the tablet at the temple 
a bandit stronghold for six centuries! 

While exploring the mountain top, which was three or four 
acres in extent and nearly flat, I heard voices coming from one 
of the shacks. Pulling the straw-matting curtain aside, I realized 
with a shock that the story which had been told to Father 
Lenfers was correct. The room was filled with children, little 
boys ranging in age from eight to fifteen years. As they crowded 
about me I saw them glance apprehensively over their shoulders 
toward a door at the other end of the room. Almost immediately 
there emerged a bandit carrying a rifle, which he immediately 
swung off his shoulder as he saw me. Since I was unarmed, all 
I could do was smile and greet him with a friendly gesture. He 
understood the gesture, for I was holding out toward him a 


package of cigarettes. After hesitating a moment he also smiled, 
and reached for the cigarettes. I rapidly counted the children; 
there were twenty-three, and most of them were in rags, rem- 
nants of silken costumes indicating they had been kidnaped 
from better-class homes. 

After making a mental note of the situation, I indicated 
my intention of departing, and handed the bandit another 
package of cigarettes. He made no attempt to hinder my de- 
parture, and I hurriedly descended the steep stairway and ladder 
and rejoined Father Lenfers, who was sitting on the rock watch- 
ing the still sleeping bandits. I told him of my discovery, and 
after awakening our captors we hurried back to the temple. 
I kept quiet about my discovery, but wrote a description of 
what I had seen which I gave the priest to take out and send 
to my office in Shanghai. Its publication created a tremendous 
sensation throughout China, and when the bandit incident was 
finally settled the children were taken down the mountain and 
to the town of Yihsien, where they were temporarily placed 
under the care of Reverend Yerkes's mission. Later they were 
turned over to the civil governor, who managed to restore some 
of them to their parents. In many cases, however, it was im- 
possible to find the parents, probably due to the fact that the 
children had been abducted in places far distant from the bandit 
hideout. Those whose parents could not be found were placed 
in an orphanage managed by one of the missions. We were told 
afterward that it was customary in cases where parents of ab- 
ducted children were unable to raise sufficient money to 
redeem them for the bandit chiefs to adopt the boys as their 
own sons and bring them up in the ways of their foster 

The disclosures concerning the kidnaping phase of the 
bandit industry served further to discredit the whole situation 
of military politics and anarchy which had prevailed in North 
China for so many years, and paved the way for the ultimate 
overthrow of the provincial Tuchuns and the establishment of 
more orderly government. 


5 A Mission of Peace 

Time dragged slowly in the bandit camp, and our impatience 
mounted at the apparent inactivity of our would-be rescuers 
at the railway station. We could not understand why four 
powerful governments couldn't outsmart a gang of Shantung 
bandits. However, we knew in our hearts that our bravado was 
assumed, for we were well aware that the real reason for the 
delay in our release was fear on the part of our friends as well 
as the Chinese officials that they would provoke the bandits to 
retaliation against us. 

Some days later, when another consignment of food ar- 
rived, I was digging into a parcel of raisins marked with my 
name when I found a note written on thin paper, carefully 
folded and secreted in the center of the box. The note came 
from an American army officer, stationed at the United States 
Legation at Peking, who had been sent to Tsaochwang to in- 
vestigate the matter of speeding up our release. The officer's 
note said that negotiations between the bandit chiefs and the 
provincial authorities were deadlocked because of the un- 
reasonable demands which the bandits had made. The bandits 
practically insisted on the abdication of the top provincial 
officials and the substitution of themselves as rulers of the 
province and controllers of the main trunk-line railway which 
ran through Shantung. I remembered the demands of the Shan- 
tung bandits at a later date when the Chinese Communist faction 
made its demands for the abdication of high government officials 
in World War II. 

In view of mounting indignation at the delay in releasing 
the captives, the officer asked me to sound out the other captives 
regarding a daring rescue scheme which had been proposed. 
According to the plan which he unfolded, the rescue party at 
the coal mine would secretly bring to the nearest railway station 
a contingent of about fifty United States soldiers and marines. 
They would be brought from Peking and Tientsin in small 
groups, attired in plain clothes so as not to attract attention. 


But first the carrier coolies who brought in our food would 
smuggle in to us, concealed in boxes of raisins, a number of 
revolvers and a supply of ammunition. When all was in readi- 
ness on a designated day, of which we would be notified in 
advance, we would proceed to one of the caves in the cliff 
back of our temple, barricade the entrance, and prepare to stand 
off the bandits until our rescuers could make the forty-mile 
raid through the mountains and effect our release. 

That night, after our guards had gone away, I called the 
captives together and put the proposition to them. I voiced my 
approval of the scheme, and was supported by the two Ameri- 
can army officers, Major Robert Allen and Major Roland 
Finger, and also by two of the British prisoners. The Mexican 
Verea and his wife also approved, but most of the others ob- 
jected, particularly the Italian lawyer Musso, who was unable 
to walk. Some doubted the ability of such a small force of Ameri- 
can servicemen to penetrate the bandit lines and fight their 
way through if the bandits put up resistance. We all realized 
what would happen to us if the scheme failed. 

I shall never forget the looks on the faces of our little band 
when I disclosed the daring plan of the American army officer. 
Extreme danger and the hardships through which we had passed 
caused a bond of fellowship to develop among the captives 
which broke down racial, religious, and nationalistic barriers. 
This was evident that night in the little temple on the side of 
Mount Pao-tzu-ku as we huddled in the dim candle-light and 
discussed a plan which meant life or death to every man present. 
The unexpected element in the situation was that the Chinese 
students who had been with us from the beginning, serving as 
interpreters and in innumerable other ways, were also willing to 
go the whole way if the rescue scheme were attempted. I wrote 
a guarded report on the reactions of our party to the proposal, 
and it was smuggled back to the rescue party, but we heard 
nothing further regarding the scheme. 

However, our discussion that night developed an idea which 


ultimately resulted In our release. Someone suggested that we call 
the chiefs together and try to discover what they really wanted. 
The next morning we acted on the suggestion, and a committee 
was appointed to visit the village where the chieftains had 
their headquarters and invite them to come to our temple that 
night. Six of them showed up, all but the No. i leader, Sven 
Mao-yao, but he sent his representative. In the meantime the 
captives held a preliminary meeting and elected officers. I was 
given the job of secretary and possessed myself of a blank book, 
apparently somebody's address book which a bandit had picked 
up on the train. The possession of this book in which I fre- 
quently made notes gave me considerable prestige with our 
bandit "hosts." 

When the chiefs arrived that night, each with a bodyguard, 
we invited them into our quarters and served them tea from 
our stock of provisions. We then told the leaders that we under- 
stood their situation and wanted to help them settle the incident 
so we could get back to our families. "But we can't do any- 
thing to help you until we know your terms," we explained. 
The serious faces of the bandit chiefs and the equally serious 
bearded faces of the captives, in the dim flickering candle-light 
of the temple chamber, made another unforgettable picture. 

"Just what did the bandits want?" I made copious notes in 
my book and turned to the first chief. After some hesitation he 
began to talk, and I wrote down his statement as the interpreter 
translated. Turning to the next chief I repeated the question, 
and so on until my book was nearly filled. I kept that little book 
for several years, because it constituted an invaluable sidelight 
on the political chaos which had prevailed so long in the 
northern provinces, particularly in Shantung. 

After I had taken down the last demand of the last chief it 
was suggested that each side, that is, the captives and the chiefs, 
should appoint a representative to proceed to the railway station 
where the rescue party and the provincial officials were sta- 
tioned. The chiefs agreed, and said they would have their man 
and two horses at our temple early the next morning. 


The party broke up about midnight and everybody felt 
relieved, believing that something would come of our attempt 
to negotiate ourselves out of our captivity, which was now 
in its fourth week. The captives selected me to accompany 
the bandit representative on the fateful trip. I slept little that 
night; and I think my experience must have been general, for 
everybody was up at sunrise. The news had spread through the 
whole camp and our courtyard was filled with captives and 
captors waiting for the arrival of the bandit emissary with the 
horses. As our equerry entered the compound, I noticed that 
our "horses" had turned out to be Shantung mules, whose back- 
bones were even more razorlike than those of the donkeys we 
had ridden previously. 

Traditional ceremony was observed. The No. i Chief lined 
up all the captives in a row. Then he ordered his followers to 
form a guard of honor leading from the door of the temple 
to the gate of the compound. Approaching me, the chief pre- 
sented me with a sealed envelope containing an address in 
Chinese. The name was that of the chief representative of the 
provincial governor, known as the "Pang-ban." After he had 
given me the letter he drew his revolver, and walking down 
the long row of foreign captives, he pressed the muzzle of the 
gun against each man's chest. In this manner he indicated that 
one or possibly all of the captives would be killed if I failed to 
carry out the mission or possibly should attempt to double- 
cross the bandits by causing their emissary to be held by the 
provincial officials. As I mounted my mule and we started out 
on the forty-mile ride, the chief broke the tension by clap- 
ping his hands and cheering. Everybody followed suit so 
enthusiastically that our mules bolted down the hill at a 

When we reached the village at the foot of the mountain 
the entire population was waiting, and we were again cheered 
on our way. As we reached the outskirts of the village I heard 
someone galloping after us. It was a Chinese youth about fifteen 
years old, riding a pony. He was well dressed and indicated 


he wanted to accompany us. The bandit emissary smiled and 
gave his assent, and we were off on the fateful journey. 

6 Formal Negotiations 

We rode all day, only stopping a few minutes in the little 
mountain villages for a drink of tea. We finally reached the 
outer edge of the bandit zone, waved good-bye to the last bandit 
sentry, and entered "no-man's-land" a stretch about a mile 
wide between the outposts of the opposing sides. Anything 
could happen here, but nothing did, and we reached the gov- 
ernment outpost without incident. After examining our letters, 
the officer in charge permitted us to proceed. We were still 
a considerable way from our destination when darkness fell. 
Noticing that my companions were inclined to hang back as 
we neared our destination, I insisted they ride ahead of me as 
we approached the walled compound wherein was located 
the coal mine pit head, with power plant and quarters for the 
engineers and staff. The railway station and yards were also 
within the walled compound. The wall was of thick stone con- 
struction, with towers at intervals, and in each tower was a 
sentry with a machine gun. There was one of these towers 
on each side of the heavy sheet-steel gate. The stoutly fortified 
mine compound gave an indication of the disturbed situation of 
the countryside. 

When we were still a considerable distance from the gate 
a sentry shouted an order, and suddenly the roadway facing 
us was illuminated as light as day. I recognized the rays as 
coming from a powerful searchlight mounted on one of the 
towers, but not so my precious companions, who suddenly 
turned their mounts off the road and dashed across the field. 
Realizing the predicament my fellow captives and I would be 
in if I lost them, I spurred my mule to a gallop and dashed 
after them. The gateman helped me by keeping them spotted 
with his searchlight. After exhausting my limited supply of 


Chinese expletives, I succeeded in overtaking the bandits and 
finally got them headed back toward the gate. 

When at last I heard the heavy steel gate clang shut with my 
bandit emissaries inside, I heaved a sigh of relief and nearly fell 
off my mule from sheer weakness. I felt that the most serious 
obstacle to our release had been overcome. 

A soldier took us to the railway coach where John K. Davis, 
the American Consul, and the British, French, and Italian Con- 
suls and military representatives had their temporary offices and 
sleeping compartments. There was great excitement when we 
arrived, and enormous curiosity regarding the two bandits I 
had brought with me. Soon Roy Anderson and Carl Crow 
greeted me, and also another personal friend and former class- 
mate at Missouri University', Roy Bennett. Bennett had been 
passing through Shanghai on his way to Manila to accept a 
position on the Manila Bulletin when the bandit incident oc- 
curred. He immediately wired Carson Taylor, publisher of the 
Bulletin, for permission to remain over, and went to work on 
my paper, The China Weekly Review, in Shanghai in my 

I wish I could have been of equal assistance to Bennett when 
he was confined by the Japanese in an old Spanish prison at 
Manila for almost three years because of his refusal to col- 
laborate with the invaders following Pearl Harbor. 

I explained to the American and British Consuls my sudden 
and strange appearance and introduced my bandit companions, 
who were now my guests. It was decided to take them at once 
to the Pang-ban or Governor's representative, whose head- 
quarters was in another car. We were taken to him by Mr. 
Davis and formally introduced. The Pang-ban received the 
bandit emissary with all the formality of a high government 
dignitary, and they were shortly in deep conversation. I soon 
slipped away and joined my friends in the official car, where I 
was served my first real meal in more than a month. There was 


so much to talk about that it was past midnight before we 
noticed the passage of time. Before retiring I was taken to the 
mine manager's house where I took a bath, also the first in a 
month, and changed into a complete outfit of clean clothes 
which Bennett had thoughtfully brought with him from 

When I was shown my sleeping compartment in the official 
car, I was surprised to find Wang, the chief's son, waiting for 
me. He had been provided with a sumptuous supper and had 
eaten so much cake and candy that he appeared on the point 
of exploding. He spurned a sleeping berth and insisted on sleep- 
ing on the floor of the corridor next to my compartment. 

The next morning there was a conference participated in by 
Mr. Davis, the Pang-ban, Roy Anderson and myself. The 
Pang-ban explained that he was ready to negotiate with the 
bandit leaders, and suggested a village midway between the 
two camps. He suggested that each side be represented by an 
equal number of principals and guards, and recommended that 
Roy Anderson and I also attend as witnesses in order to guaran- 
tee the good faith of both sides. After the Pang-ban had written 
out his proposals he carefully folded the paper, sealed it in an 
envelope and handed the original to the bandit emissary and a 
copy to me. 

I went back to the mine manager's house to change back 
into my old clothes, and was astonished to find my friend 
Bennett preparing to accompany me, as I thought, back to the 
bandit roost. I was mistaken; Roy had decided to return in my 
place, and insisted that I agree. He said that he had talked the 
matter over with my family, and all had agreed that he should 
enter the bandit camp as my substitute. It required considerable 
argument to convince Bennett that despite the anxiety it would 
cause my family it was necessary for me to return, otherwise 
the bandit chiefs would regard it as a breach of faith. Bennett 
finally was convinced that I was determined to return to the 
bandit stronghold, but he was sure that I would never get out 
again alive. There were tears in his eyes as I and my two bandit 


companions rode out through the iron gate on our long trip 
back into the mountains. 

We rode steadily, only stopping briefly in the villages to 
drink tea and eat the sandwiches we had brought with us. After 
we had passed through no-man's-land and were back in bandit 
territory the bandit youth rode up alongside me and laughingly 
pulling up his jacket he showed me a large army revolver in a 
holster strapped to his body under his shirt. I was startled at 
the discovery and was never able to unravel the mystery. Was 
he provided with the gun by his father in order to kill me in 
the event I double-crossed him and the bandit emissary? Or had 
a secret friend of the bandit chief in the Governor's camp pro- 
vided the boy with a revolver as a present to his father? I 
puzzled over the circumstance for several days, and was never 
able to find an answer. 

It was nearly midnight before we reached the bandit head- 
quarters at Mount Pao-tzu-ku. There was great rejoicing at my 
report of developments and all now felt sure of our early release. 
The next day the bandit leaders visited our camp and congratu- 
lated me on the success of my trip. They said they had agreed 
to the Pang-ban's suggestion for a conference, and as soon as 
arrangements could be made they wanted me to take their 
answer back to Tsaochwang. I rubbed the bruised part of my 
anatomy which had come in contact with the donkey's razor- 
like back and thought of that forty-mile ride back to the station. 
Luckily (from the standpoint of my bruises) the bandits waited 
a couple of days before they gave the word for my return. 

My return to the station, again accompanied by a repre- 
sentative of the outlaws, was uneventful, but my ride back to 
the bandit camp this time was an event long to be remembered. 
This time I was accompanied by Roy Anderson, the official 
"go-between," and what appeared to be a considerable portion 
of the Chinese army, including several heavily laden carts, each 
pulled by a half dozen ponies and mules. I learned that these 
carts contained a large quantity of silver for the bandit leaders 


and several thousand army uniforms for the rank and file of the 
bandit gang, which was being taken into the Shantung provin- 
cial army. This had been the chief demand, concurred in by 
all of the leaders, which I had noted in my little book during 
the conference at the temple. I wondered how many of the 
other demands the provincial governor had been compelled 
to agree to as a result of pressure by the central government 
as well as the Powers, in order to get us out of the clutches of 
the outlaws. 

7 Release and Reparations 

The full extent and significance of the bandits' demands 
were not fully realized until the "peace conference" between 
the outlaws and the Government's representatives got under 
way. Never was a stranger or more dramatic conference held. 
In the little temple on the side of the mountain, visible from 
the village where the conference was held, sat the little band 
of captives whose lives hung in the balance as the talks seemed 
to sway from one side to the other. Most disconcerting to 
Anderson and me were the frequent "off-side" sessions of little 
groups, usually held in secret behind the rambling one-story 
building where the meeting was held. We never could tell 
whether they were walking out entirely, and we always heaved 
a sigh of relief when they returned. Each chieftain wanted a 
large sum of money "in real silver," some of the demands run- 
ning as high as a million dollars. But this was not to be regarded 
as sordid ransom; it was "back pay" for the rank and file, 
practically all of whom at one time or another had been con- 
nected with some provincial army. Each chief naturally de- 
manded that all of his followers be taken into the army and 
provided with new uniforms. Also there were demands for 
enormous quantities of rice and flour, the amounts being speci- 
fied in tens of thousands of piculs, the Chinese unit, equivalent 
to 133 pounds avoirdupois. 

The most significant demand, constituting evidence of po- 


lineal and possibly foreign intrigue, was that the so-called 
bandit area, embracing a section of several hundred square 
miles and including portions of the three provinces, Kiangsu, 
Shantung, and Anhwei, be "neutralized" under some form of 
international guarantee by the foreign Powers. The area which 
the bandit leaders specified included the important railway 
junction point of Hsuchowfu where the north-south Tientsin- 
Nanking line crossed the east-west Lung-Hai line. The bandits 
insisted that their force, now expanded to possibly a division, 
be stationed inside the "neutralized" area. The demands in- 
cluded specific conditions regarding collection and apportion- 
ment of taxation, exploitation of coal mines and other minerals, 
and development of communications. It seemed to me that the 
bandits must have had outside assistance in working out the 
plan which appeared to be beyond the capacity of a band of 
mountain outlaws. 

The inspiration behind this particular demand, aside from 
the element of self-preservation, still remains a secret. Some 
thought it was Japan's method of retaliation for the action 
of the Powers at the Washington Arms Conference in forcing 
Japan to restore Shantung to Chinese sovereignty. Others 
thought the bandits were instigated by southern political in- 
terests antagonistic to the Peking Government and hoped in 
this manner to discredit their political enemies. Dr. Jacob Gould 
Schurman, American Minister, told me several months after- 
ward that he had never been able to get to the bottom of the 
incident, and was surprised when the central government sud- 
denly offered to refund the losses suffered by the passengers and 
agreed to pay the captives an indemnity figured out on a per 
diem basis for the time they were held in captivity. 

There had been a time in the not too distant past when a 
foreign Power or group of Powers might have taken advantage 
of the bandit incident to establish control over Chinese territory. 
Germany had seized the port of Tsingtao on the Shantung coast 
twenty-three years earlier, in retaliation for the killing of three 


German missionaries; Russia had seized Port Arthur on the Gulf 
of Chihli (Po Hai) ; and Britain had established a training station 
at Wei-hai-wei on the north side of the Shantung Peninsula. But 
imperial Germany and imperial Russia were temporarily out of 
the running, and the other Powers with interests in the Pacific 
had adopted a new program, in their relations with each other 
and with China, which had gone into effect at the Washington 
Conference. All of the Powers, including Japan, had agreed to 
abandon their old spheres of influence and concessions, and had 
signed a treaty guaranteeing China against just such interference 
in her domestic affairs as the bandits were inviting. It was cer- 
tain that the bandits had not originated the foreign-concession 
idea themselves; there must have been instigation from some 
outside quarter, possibly for the purpose of testing out the 
Powers as to their sincerity concerning the Nine-Power Treaty. 

After eliminating the ridiculous, the conference finally set- 
tled down to the familiar old-fashioned game of bluff and com- 
promise so dear to the hearts of all true Sons of Han. The bandits' 
demands for the release of the foreign captives finally narrowed 
down to two points: Was the Government willing to take the en- 
tire gang into the army and to hand over to the chieftain a suffi- 
cient sum to pay the salaries of the "new army" for six months in 
advance? The Government, under pressure by the Powers, was 
willing, but it wanted the amount of money involved and the 
number of bandits taken into the army held down to reasonable 
proportions. The exact amount paid over and the number of 
soldiers decided upon was never announced, but the debate was 
long and acrimonious. The conference had a dramatic conclu- 
sion when Sven Mao-yao, the youthful leader, held up his hand 
and after proclaiming his loyalty to the Government, signed 
the agreement. The other chiefs then walked up and signed, 
following which the Government officials affixed their signa- 
tures or seals to the document, which was then pushed across 
the table for Anderson and me to sign as witnesses and guaran- 
tors of the good faith of both participants. 

One day six months later Anderson telephoned me and 


stated in great Indignation that he had just received word that 
the Governor of Shantung had violated the agreement and 
through some subterfuge had enticed the bandits away from 
their guns and had massacred some sk hundred of them with 
machine guns. Sven Mao-yao, the youthful chief, was also exe- 
cuted. Most foreigners approved the action of the Shantung 
Governor, but Roy Anderson, better versed in current Chinese 
"checker-board" politics, predicted that the action of the Shan- 
tung Governor would have tragic results in case other foreign- 
ers were kidnaped by bandits or rebel troops in future a fore- 
cast which was borne out by later developments when many 
foreigners, chiefly missionaries, lost their lives when ransoms 
were not immediately forthcoming. The missionaries were the 
chief sufferers, because they generally refused to pay ransoms, 
on the ground that such payments only incited further kidnap- 
ing of mission workers. 

As the foreign captives were aware of the negotiations 
proceeding in the village in the valley, they spent many anxious 
hours awaiting the conclusion. As the day drew to a close they 
had practically given up hope when a messenger arrived with 
a slip of paper ordering the release of the captives. "Thank 
God," was the involuntary utterance, but there was still fur- 
ther delay; the bandit leaders insisted on providing sedan chairs 
for all members of the party so that they could depart in a 
manner befitting foreign guests. We didn't actually get away 
until after nightfall, and in consequence didn't reach the res- 
cue party at the coal mine until long after midnight. When we 
woke up the next morning our train was moving; the govern- 
ment railways had provided us with a special running straight 
through to Shanghai. When the train arrived the next day 
Shanghai's entire foreign population, which had been demanding 
strong punitive measures in reprisal for the bandit outrage, 
turned out in such a crowd that they blocked the streets leading 
to the railway station. 

Just twenty years later following Pearl Harbor, when 


the Japanese seized the Shanghai International Settlement 
an American and a Briton, who had been prisoners of the 
Shantung bandits, found themselves confined in the same cell 
in the notorious Japanese Bridge House concentration camp 
at Shanghai. As the two ex-prisoners of the Shantung bandits 
recognized each other they involuntarily stuck out their hands 
in a hearty clasp and exclaimed in unison, "I prefer Chinese 
bandits to these Jap scoundrels." 
I was the American. 

Affairs In South 

ALL DURING THE EARLY 1 920*8 I was following with particular 
interest the situation which was developing in Southern China. 
After various difficulties with reactionary military officials in 
the southern province, Dr. Sun Yat-sen finally succeeded in 
establishing himself as the legal and constitutional President of 
China, having been elected by the reconstituted Parliament in 
Canton on April 27, 1921. He formally assumed office on May 5 
of that year. 

The first foreign diplomatic contact by Dr. Sun Yat-sen's 
new constitutional Government at Canton was with the Rus- 
sian Soviets. China's contact with the Union of Socialist Soviet 
Republics, however, began somewhat earlier, in Peking, when 
the Russians, in 1919, offered to relinquish their extraterritorial 
rights in China, including control of the Chinese Eastern Rail- 
way in Manchuria. The Peking Government was suspicious of 
the unexpected Russian generosity and did not respond to Mos- 
cow's invitation to open negotiations. Acceptance of the invita- 
tion would have implied recognition of the new Soviet regime. 

In 1922 Moscow sent its official representative, M. Joffe, to 
Shanghai to confer with Dr. Sun Yat-sen. I covered the confer- 
ence, which was held in the Palace Hotel at Shanghai, with 
Eugene Chen, a Trinidad-born Chinese, acting as Dr. Sun's 
secretary and press representative. Joffe and Dr. Sun issued a 
joint statement of friendship and pledge of mutual assistance 
between the two countries, and also made preliminary arrange- 
ments for Soviet assistance to the new Chinese Administration 
at Canton in the form of a loan and the dispatch of Soviet 
representatives to serve as advisers to the Canton Government. 



China agreed to send a delegation of students to Moscow for 
training in Bolshevist revolutionary tactics. 

The Sino-Soviet agreement contained an interesting provi- 
sion whereby the Soviet Union agreed to help the Chinese 
establish a national oil monopoly which would make it pos- 
sible for China to become independent of the Anglo-American 
oil trusts, represented by the Standard Oil Company, the 
Vacuum Oil Company, Texas Company, and Asiatic Petro- 
leum, a British subsidiary of Royal Dutch Shell. The Chinese 
built large oil-storage facilities at Shanghai and elsewhere for 
the handling of imports of Soviet oil. It later developed that 
Moscow's real objective was to bring pressure on Anglo- 
American oil interests in connection with dealings in Europe 
and the Near East. After the Russians had made a satisfactory 
deal with Standard Oil they grew cold to the China project, 
and ultimately abandoned it and withdrew their staff from the 
Far East. The large oil-storage depot which the Russians helped 
the Chinese construct on the banks of the Whangpoo River at 
Shanghai passed ultimately into the hands of the foreign oil 

Dr. Sun Yat-sen's action in establishing contact with the 
Russian Soviets in 1922 was followed by outright recognition 
of the USSR by the Peking Government the following year. 
The negotiations at Peking were conducted by Dr. C. T. Wang 
and Dr. V. K. Wellington Koo, two Chinese diplomats whb 
were just coming into prominence. The Soviet representative 
was L. M. Karakhan, an Armenian. The negotiations began in 
1923, and a preliminary agreement was initialed by Dr. C. T. 
Wang, but it aroused so much opposition that Dr. Wang was 
forced to withdraw. The final agreement, whereby China 
granted full diplomatic recognition to the USSR, was signed 
by Dr. V. K. Wellington Koo, acting Premier of the Peking 
Government in March, 1924. 

But there was a notable difference in the texts of the Peking 
and Canton agreements. Whereas the Peking Government's 
recognition agreement contained a definite commitment on 


Russia's part not to propagate communistic doctrines in China, 
the situation at Canton was the exact opposite in that the 
propagation of communism was a chief Russian objective. 

Among the considerable number of radical advisers who 
joined the Canton Government were two outstanding Soviet 
personages, Michael Borodin and General Galens (or Bliicher) . 
M. Joffe, who negotiated the original alliance with Dr. Sun, 
did not remain in China but returned to Moscow. It was gener- 
ally known in China that the motivating influence in Moscow 
behind the China adventure was Leon Trotsky, proponent of 
world revolution. China was regarded as the most fertile field 
for the initial experiment. These are generally known facts, 
but it is not so widely known, particularly in the United States, 
that Americans and Britons professing leftist or communist 
faith, who flocked to China, exercised perhaps even greater 
influence upon the course of events in China than did the 

In the first place, only two of the Russians, Borodin and 
Karakhan, could speak English, the only common language 
between the Russians and Chinese. While Borodin has been 
listed as a Russian, he had lived in the United States for most 
of his life and probably was an American citizen. His wife was 
an American and their two sons, who attended the American 
School in Shanghai, registered under the name of Grusenberg, 
were born in Chicago. Borodin had emigrated to the United 
States when a youth and attended Valparaiso University, 
following which he taught school in Chicago and for several 
years operated a Russian-language school in that city. He re- 
turned to Russia after the 1917 revolution and was associated 
with Trotsky, who sent him to China as the Soviet's chief 
political emissary. From the inception of the Nationalist 
Government at Canton, Borodin probably exercised more 
influence in China than any other foreigner. He was in con- 
stant conference with Dr. Sun and other Nationalist leaders, 
and directed the propaganda activities of a horde of Chinese 
students, some of whom had been trained in Moscow under 


Karl Radek, or in China under Chinese communist teachers, 
who in turn had received their training in Russia. 

The new socialist Government functioned with consider- 
able efficiency and harmony as long as Dr. Sun remained at 
the helm. The only discordant elements were Wang Ching- 
wei and Hu Han-ming, whose squabbles and intrigues for power 
were usually settled by Dr. Sun or by General Chiang Kai- 

Chiang Kai-shek, whose activities were destined to affect 
vitally China's future and the destiny of the entire Far East, 
was a native of the central seaboard province of Chekiang. 
His father, Chiang Soh-an, was a wine merchant in the small 
village of Fenghua, about 150 miles southwest of the great port 
and metropolis of Shanghai. The father died when Chiang was 
only eight years old, but his mother, though of modest means, 
managed to raise sufficient money to enable him to accompany 
a class of some forty other Chekiang youths to the military 
academy at Paotingf u, near Peking. Here young Chiang showed 
such promise as a student of infantry tactics that the Manchu 
Government sent him in 1907 to the Tokyo Military Academy 
for advanced training. Although Chinese students were not 
granted the facilities extended to native Japanese students, 
Chiang made excellent progress not only in military science 
but in Japanese language, history, and aifairs. 

Of greater significance, however, greater even than his 
academic accomplishments, was his contact with Dr. Sun Yat- 
sen, then a political refugee in Japan. Chiang was only eighteen 
years old when he entered the Tokyo academy, hence was 
able not only to absorb ideas about Japan at this critical time 
in the transformation of that country following its emergence 
from feudalism, but also to absorb revolutionary ideas about 
his own country. He was obviously impressed by the fact that 
Japan had been able to humble giant Russia, whereas his own 
country had been the victim of aggression by Russia and other 
European Powers as well as by Japan. 

Chiang remained in Japan for four years, and returned to 


his homeland just in time to participate in the first revolution, 
in 1911. He recruited a brigade of troops and assisted Dr. Sun 
Yat-sen and the local controller of the Lower Yangtze area, 
Chen Chi-mei, in holding Shanghai against the Manchu forces. 
Two years later he assisted Dr. Sun in the conflict with Yuan 
Shih-kai, and when Dr. Sun was forced to retire to Nanking, 
Chiang gave up military activities and became a broker in the 
International Settlement at Shanghai. As a result of participa- 
tion in a stock-exchange boom he reputedly acquired a consider- 
able fortune, much of which he contributed to Dr. Sun's war 
chest at Canton. In 1923 Chiang accepted an invitation to be- 
come principal of the new Whampoa Military Academy, which 
Dr. Sun had organized, with Russian assistance, for the pur- 
pose of training officers to serve in the revolutionary army then 
being recruited and organized. 

Chiang won his* first military spurs when he rallied the 
cadets from the Whampoa Academy and suppressed a revolt 
against Dr. Sun which had been instigated by the Canton Volun- 
teers, a sort of militia, which had been organized by Canton 
merchants. Chiang also participated as commander of govern- 
ment troops in fights against other military factions in the Can- 
ton area which were opposed to Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Most of these 
revolts were secretly organized by General Chen Chiung-ming, 
who, although a professed member of the Kuomintang, was, 
nevertheless, strongly opposed to Dr. Sun. When General Chen 
engineered a coup against Dr. Sun and forced the Cantonese 
leader to flee to Hong Kong, Chiang rallied revolutionary 
forces which were friendly to the Government at Foochow, 
and marched on Canton. Chen's forces were defeated on Janu- 
ary 15, 1925, and he was forced to withdraw to Wuchow, a 
strongly fortified city located several miles from Canton. 

With his reputation as a military commander established, 
General Chiang became the outstanding leader of government 
troops and in two years eliminated all military opposition to 
the new government in the southern provinces of Kwangtung, 
Kiangsi, South Hunan, and part of Kweichow. 


Dr. Sun Yat-sen, father of the revolution, who had devoted 
forty years of his life to the cause of China's reconstruction, 
was not destined to see the fruition of plans for a unified and 
modernized China. He became seriously ill and fainted while 
addressing a political gathering at Canton, and was taken to 
Peking for treatment at the Rockefeller Institute. His ailment 
was diagnosed as cancer, and he died on March 12, 1925. His 
body was taken to a temple in the Western Hills near Peking, 
where it remained under guard until it could be removed to 
the new national capital at Nanking for official burial in a 
specially constructed mausoleum on the slope of Purple Moun- 

There was an undignified squabble between the Soviet Rus- 
sian advisers, members of Dr. Sun's immediate family, and 
Kuomintang leaders over the type of coffin in which Dr. Sun's 
body was to be encased as well as the type of funeral and the 
mausoleum in which the body was to rest permanently. The 
Soviet advisers strongly urged the use of a glass coffin in which 
the body could be kept on permanent exhibition, as had been 
done with Lenin's body in Red Square, Moscow. They even 
had a glass-and-copper casket sent to Peking from Moscow, 
but it was found to be defective, so the body was finally placed 
in a bronze coffin imported from the United States. The fu- 
neral, which was held at Nanking, the new capital, followed 
with few modifications traditional Chinese lines. The Govern- 
ment constructed a new road, known as the "Chung-shan" 
Highway, which extended from the banks of the Yangtze to 
the new mausoleum constructed at great expense on Purple 
Mountain. Although designed by a modern educated Chinese 
architect, the mausoleum for China's great republican leader 
does not differ fundamentally from the concept of the ancient 
Ming tomb in the same vicinity. 

Fierce struggles for power among his followers began even, 
before his death on March 12, 1925, first between the Wang 
Ching-wei and Hu Han-ming factions. Even more serious were 
the later complications which developed between the right- 


wing Kuomlntangists and the left-wing radical socialists and 
the communists. Dr. Sun's last will and testament, which im- 
plied close cooperation between China and Soviet Russia, was 
supposedly written by Wang Ching-wei while Dr. Sun was on 
his deathbed. There were allegations that the will was a forgery 
perpetrated by Wang Ching-wei and the Russian adviser Mi- 
chael Borodin, although the document contained Dr. Sun's 
signature. Despite its detractors, however, the document stands 
above the laws of the land among members of the party. It is 
recited every morning by all Chinese students throughout the 
length and breadth of the country, and is repeated in unison 
at the weekly meetings of the chief government committee. 
The full text of the will is as follows: 

I have devoted myself to the revolutionary cause for about 
forty years, with the sole object of securing liberty and equality 
for China. From my personal experience gained during the last 
forty years, I fully understand that if we are to attain our object 
we must arouse the masses and also ask for the cooperation of 
such nations as have been willing to treat us as their equals. At 
present the revolution is still incomplete. All our comrades must 
act in accordance with my declarations known as "Outline of Re- 
constrution," the "Reconstruction Plan," the "Three People's Prin- 
ciples," and also the declaration of the "First National Conference 
of Kuomintang Delegates." They must continue the fight for 
realization of our latest principles. Again the call of the People's 
Conference and the abrogation of all unequal treaties must be 
accomplished in the immediate future. 

The Three People's Principles were (i) the Principle of 
Nationalism, (2) the Principle of People's Rights, and (3) the 
Principle of People's Livelihood. Under the first, Dr. Sun held 
that nationality had developed through natural forces the 
state, through force of arms; and that Western supremacy in 
world affairs sprang not from a superior political philosophy 
but from advancement in material civilization. Under the sec- 
ond Principle he presented his ideals of applied democracy, and 
under the third, industrial organization within the state and the 
elevation of living standards of the people. 

Factional Troubles of the 1920's 

THE CHINESE COMMUNISTS, who were admitted to member- 
ship in the Kuomintang on an equal basis as a result of a confer- 
ence of delegates in Canton on January 20, 1924, had from 
the first endeavored to exert pressure on the party. The first 
indication of serious trouble between the Kuomintang and 
Communist factions was given early in 1926. 

Four young military officers, all graduates of the Whampoa 
Academy, organized an anti-communist movement. The four 
men, all destined to become prominent in the next few months 
in the military drive to the Yangtze Valley, were Li Tsung- 
jen, Li Chi-sheng, Chu Peh-teh and Ho Ying-chin. General 
Chiang Kai-shek, head of the Central Military Academy, steered 
clear of the Kuomintang-Communist controversy, but his trip 
to Russia in 1924 caused him to be suspected of pro-Red lean- 
ings. A record of his activities in Russia, however, indicated 
that he had been cold to Soviet blandishments. As a result of 
pressure by the four young military officers, General Chiang, 
on March 24, 1926, issued a statement that he would follow 
the teachings of Dr. Sun's Three Principles (see preceding 
chapter), and would discontinue all connections with the 
Communist wing. 

General Chiang Kai-shek's disinclination to side with the 
Communists was due to two factors: First, his birth and environ- 
ment in industrialized, conservative Chekiang Province and his 
association with the banking and commercial elements from 
that province which dominated Shanghai business; second, the 
advice of a fellow provincial, Chang Ching-kiang, an almost 
mythical character who had become immensely wealthy in the 



silk and curio trade between China and France in the latter 
years of the Ching Dynasty. (Many of the rare Chinese works 
of art purchased by American millionaires came to this coun- 
try by way of France.) Chang Ching-kiang, the curio dealer, 
espoused the revolutionary cause and contributed large sums 
to Dr. Sun's war chest. He participated in the conferences 
preliminary to the formation of the Nanking Provisional 
Government, but refused to accept office. Two years later he 
again helped Dr. Sun in opposing Yuan Shih-kai's monarchist 
plot, and as a result was proscribed, along with many others, 
by the Yuan regime. Chang Ching-kiang fled to Paris, where 
he opened a profitable curio and art store and also a popular 
restaurant where Chinese foods, particularly soya-bean prod- 
ucts, were sold. After the passing of Yuan Shih~kai, Chang 
returned to Shanghai, where he further increased his fortune 
in the stock and gold-bar exchanges. It was here that he be- 
came acquainted with Chiang Kai-shek, and assisted him finan- 
cially. In 1925 he went to Canton and became a member of the 
Constitutional Government. He accompanied General Chiang 
Kai-shek on the military advance to the Yangtze, and after 
the split between the Kuomintang and Communist factions he 
joined the Nanking Government. In his later years his health 
failed, and it became necessary for him to travel about in a 
wheel chair. But there was no impairment of his opposition to 
the Communists. 

Hu Han-ming, civilian leader of the right-wing Kuomintang 
group, also opposed the Communists, but Wang Ching-wei, the 
other civilian contender for the position held by the late leader 
of the party, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, sided with the Reds and in com- 
pany with a number of the Russian and American advisers of 
the Canton Government departed for Hankow. 

By the summer of 1926 the Nationalist army, under the 
command of Chiang Kai-shek, started its northward advance 
from Canton. As a result of the anti-imperialist propaganda 
inspired by the Communist faction of the Kuomintang, foreign- 
ers, particularly missionaries residing in the interior of the 


country, were seriously affected by the Nationalist Revolution 
which was sweeping northward. Mission schools, churches and 
residences were looted and thousands of missionaries were 
forced to flee to Shanghai. 

But the most dramatic developments of the revolution took 
place at Hankow, Nanking and Shanghai, where the smoulder- 
ing hatred and intrigue for power between the Kuomintang 
and the Communists broke out in furious internecine conflict. 
General Chiang Kai-shek's charge that the Communists had sent 
secret emissaries into the cities for the purpose of seizing con- 
trol prior to the arrival of his troops, was borne out by develop- 
ments at both Hankow and Shanghai. In both cities Communist 
activity originally was directed at the control of student and 
labor organizations. 

Students of the Chinese Nationalist Revolution whose 
sympathies have been on the side of the radical or communist 
factions have purposely ignored the developments at Hankow 
which tell the most significant story of the failure of Chinese 
Communists, and their foreign advisers, to accomplish their 
ambitious plan of seizing control of the Nationalist movement 
and establishing communistic government in China. They blame 
"foreign capitalist-imperialist influence," "new militarism" and 
native "banker-landlord influence" for their lack of success, but 
while these elements did contribute, there were other and more 
fundamental causes. 

Of the many causes for the failure of the Red regime at 
Hankow not the least was the action of the leaders in preach- 
ing class warfare and catering to radical student-labor groups 
in a society which was predominantly agricultural and where 
there had never been any classes, except the old educated or 
"literati" group which was, theoretically at least, open to all 
youths of ability who could pass the official examinations. After 
the capture of the Wu-Han cities, which had been accomplished 
largely by the military strategy of General Chiang Kai-shek, the 


leftist Chinese leaders and their foreign advisers staged a veri- 
table "Roman holiday" in celebration of their victory over 
"capitalistic imperialism." There was a trial of two "war pris- 
oners" staged in the Russian manner, the culprits being two 
northern generals who were captured at Wuchang. Thousands 
of laborers employed in the mines, factories, and processing 
plants (Hankow is popularly known as the Pittsburgh of China) 
ceased work, and led by radical elements spent the days and 
nights in speechmaking, parades, and demonstrations. Streets 
were filled with marching students and laborers carrying ban- 
ners inscribed with slogans, "Down with Capitalists and Im- 
perialists," "Support the World Revolution," "Workers of the 
World, Unite," and similar sentiments. Thousands of young 
peasants from Hunan Province, where an intense Red propa- 
ganda had been conducted for a considerable period, flocked 
into Hankow to join the festivities. 

The industries of the Wu-Han area were forced to close 
down: press-packing plants where native products were pre- 
pared for foreign markets; manufacturing industries, including 
cotton spinning and weaving mills; vegetable-oil pressing plants, 
hundreds of small native-owned industries, the great Han Yeh 
Ping coal and iron interests (controlled by Japan), large ciga- 
rette factories owned by Britons and Americans, the shipping 
industry operating large sea-going steamers on the lower Yang- 
tze and smaller but more powerful steamers capable of nego- 
tiating the rapids of the Upper Yangtze, and an enormous junk 
trade operated by the Chinese on the great canal system and 
lakes of central China. Thousands of workers, who had been 
spending their days celebrating the revolution by holding pa- 
rades and demonstrations, suddenly found themselves without 
meal tickets. 

Since the Government had catered to the radical elements 
and encouraged the strikes, the student-labor groups naturally 
turned to it for support. The Government thus found itself in 
a vicious circle of its own making, and had to adopt the suici- 


dal method of issuing floods of paper money in order |o pur- 
chase rice for the hungry multitudes. Prices for food, particu- 
larly rice, shot up to prohibitive heights. 

In order to save the Government itself from retaliation by 
the hungry crowds, propagandists attempted to turn the 
revolutionary sentiment against the foreigners. More parades 
were organized, with banners denouncing foreign imperialism, 
and the British Concession was over-run. No attempt was made 
to invade the Japanese Concession, which was bristling with 
machine guns. The British Concession was guarded only by a 
small naval contingent and a local volunteer corps and police 
force. Unable to cope with the excited demonstrators who 
stormed the borders of their Concession, and fearing a Debacle, 
the British Consul-General, an Irishman named O'Malley, or- 
dered the British population to withdraw to British ships in 
the harbor which was accomplished without incident. Pos- 
sessed of more political sagacity than most of his compatriots, 
Consul-General O'Malley immediately entered into negotiations 
with the radical Foreign Minister, Eugene Chen, and the out- 
come was the sensational Chen-O'Malley Agreement whereby 
Great Britain agreed to return the British Concession at Han- 
kow to China. The official release from the Foreign Office in 
London stated that the action "accorded with Britain's long- 
existing intention to return her Concessions to Chinese con- 

When the Chinese found themselves in possession of the 
British Concession calmer counsels prevailed, the excitement 
died down, and the paraders returned to their quarters. 

Another element which had a calming effect on the situation 
at Hankow was the receipt of alarming reports from Nanking, 
some four hundred miles down the Yangtze, stating that Ameri- 
can gunboats had been forced to fire on a mob of demonstra- 
tors, including troops, which were attacking the American 
community, with officials of the American Consulate and their 
families. Suddenly realizing the seriousness of the complications 


in which they had become involved, Foreign Minister Eugene 
Chen sent a wire to the State Department disavowing respon- 
sibility for the Nanking outrages but offering remuneration for 
damages suffered by foreigners at the hands of Chinese radical 

The Chen-O'Malley Agreement providing for the return of 
the British Concession at Hankow to Chinese control, and the 
official telegram from the radical Chinese regime at Hankow 
to the State Department, marked the high point in the strange 
career of Eugene Chen, who had figured prominently in Chi- 
nese politics for a decade. Born in Trinidad, British West Indies, 
of a Chinese father and a Trinidad woman, Chen was educated 
as a British barrister in England and had been admitted to prac- 
tice in Inner Temple, London. But the pull of his Chinese blood 
was too strong, and he returned to China, along with thousands 
of his compatriots from the Seven Seas, to participate in the 
revolution. Having a fair classical education in English (he 
could neither read nor speak Chinese), Chen naturally gravi- 
tated into newspaper work and on occasion stirred the slug- 
gish English communities in the Far East to white heat with 
his editorials, filled with classical quotations from English litera- 
ture. He edited radical papers in Shanghai and Peking, and 
once when the Chinese authorities in Peking arrested him and 
threatened him with execution, he remembered his British 
nationality, through birth in Trinidad, and appealed to the 
British Minister to save his life. Sir Jofot Jordan, the aged, 
kindly, and influential British Minister, asked the Chinese 
authorities to release Chen who, upon obtaining his liberty, 
fled to the sanctuary of the International Settlement at Shang- 
hai. Later, Chen went to Canton and joined Dr. Sun Yat-sen's 
revolutionary Government and participated in the northern 
advance as a member of the radical faction, becoming Foreign 
Minister of the Hankow Government. 

There was an illuminating incident in connection with the 
British evacuation at Hankow which was prophetic of later 


developments in British Far Eastern diplomacy. When the 
British were evacuating their nationals from the Concession to 
their ships in the harbor, the British Indian community, consist- 
ing largely of Sikhs, was overlooked. After the white Britons 
were safely aboard the ships someone thought about the Sikhs, 
most of whom had been employed as policemen or guards and 
watchmen by the various foreign and Chinese business houses 
and manufacturing establishments. Some had become wealthy 
as money lenders. One of the consular officials went ashore to 
rescue the missing Sikhs, who had disappeared completely. 
While returning to his ship the British consular official stopped 
to observe a parade which had been organized by the students 
to celebrate the taking over of the Concession. At the end of 
the procession, also carrying banners denouncing foreign 
imperialists, were the missing Sikhs. They had "gone over" to 
the Chinese and Communist revolutionists. 

The action of the little group of British Indians in joining 
the Chinese revolutionists was prophetic of events to come: 
events in 1941-42, when British Indian troops at Hong Kong, 
in Malaya, and in Burma, and the Congress Party in India, 
either refused to support Great Britain or adopted an attitude 
of non-cooperation with respect to the war with Japan in the 
Far East. 

The acquisition of the British Concession at Hankow en- 
hanced considerably the prestige of the radical branch of the 
Kuomintang, but this could not be exchanged for the where- 
withal to feed the hordes of unemployed laborers who had 
been encouraged to strike and agitate against the imperialists 
and capitalists. With adversity came treachery within the ranks 
of the radical factions. Wang Ching-wei, who already had a 
reputation for treachery, grew cold toward the radical Chinese 
and Russian elements. 

Mao Tse-tung, spokesman of the radical faction, attributed 
the failure of the Red regime at Hankow to the weakness or 
treachery of another Chinese leader, Chen Tu-hsiu, who al- 
legedly compromised on fundamental policies concerning land 


redistribution. Mao was quoted in Edgar Snow's u Red Star 
Over China" as charging the Russian adviser Borodin and a 
British Indian radical named Roy, a delegate of the Comintern, 
with joint responsibility with Chen Tu-hsiu, the party dictator, 
for the collapse. According to Mao, Borodin, the official 
representative of the Moscow Comintern, had ceased being 
an "adviser" and had become a dictator of the Kuomintang 
Party. Chen Tu-hsiu had concealed the real situation from 
the party leaders, but Borodin's activities allegedly were ex- 
posed by the Indian delegate Roy. This is said to have caused 
the defection of Wang Ching-wei and the split in the Hankow 
Left Wing Government which facilitated the victory of Chiang 
Kai-shek and the Nanking faction over the Radical-Communist 

Another unexpected element in the situation was that the 
collapse of the radical Hankow Government had serious reper- 
cussions in Moscow and contributed considerably to the col- 
lapse of Trotsky and advocates of world revolution. Stalin and 
his group seized upon the failure of the China adventure, which 
had cost the Soviets large sums of money and great effort, to 
discredit Trotsky and the whole group of advocates of "perma- 
nent world revolution." Borodin returned by a tortuous over- 
land trip to Moscow in disgrace and became editor of the 
four-page English-language Moscow Daily News. 

Sun Fo, son of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, who participated in the 
Hankow Government, but later withdrew, also confirmed 
Mao's statements, particularly the reference to the "dictatorial 
attitude of the Russians." Chen Kung-po, an American returned 
student and graduate of Columbia University, New York, who 
had specialized in economics and had served as secretary to 
Wang Ching-wei, wrote a series of articles (published in the 
China Weekly Review shortly after the collapse of the Hankow 
Government) in which he analyzed the causes of the collapse 
of the Hankow Red regime. He concluded by advocating a 
system of state capitalism and state ownership of industries as 
a means of surmounting the complications which develop when 


privately owned industrial establishments suspend operations 
and throw laborers back on the Government for support. Chen 
argued that only through the development of state capitalism 
could the Chinese Government hope to cope with powerful 
foreign interests established in the country, which in times of 
crisis usually are able to marshal the support of the large native 
Chinese industrial and banking interests in opposition to socialis- 
tic experiments. Chen Kung-po, formerly a political associate 
of Wang Ching-wei, later became head of the Japanese puppet 
Government at Nanking, following the death of Wang Ching- 
wei in Tokyo in 1944. Chen Kung-po was the only Chinese 
student, educated in the United States, who voluntarily joined 
the Nanking puppet. No Chinese student of any American 
university, to the writer's knowledge, ever joined the Chinese 
Communist faction. Thousands of American returned students 
are members of the Kuomintang. 


Fighting In Shanghai 

i Imperialism, "Nationalism, Communism 

I HAD RECEIVED numerous intimations long before the National- 
ist armies reached the Yangtze that all was not going well with 
the Kuomintang-Communist partnership. The information I 
had received was in the form of two confidential pamphlets 
addressed by General Chiang Kai-shek to the party leaders, 
in which he charged that the Communists were secretly plot- 
ting to oust the Kuomintang and seize control of the party 
organization and ultimately of the Government. But I was not 
prepared for the tragic developments which followed the 
Nationalist-Communist occupation of Hankow, Nanking, and 

American and other Occidental missionaries whose stations 
were in the path of the advancing armies were the first to feel 
the effect of the Communist hook-up. Every boat and train 
brought hundreds of refugee mission workers, men, women 
and children to Shanghai. In most cases they were forced to flee 
from their homes, which were looted by the disorderly soldiers. 
Mission churches and religious schools were particular objec- 
tives of the Reds and were subjected to wholesale desecration. 
The missionaries were attacked on two grounds imperialism 
and the Christian religion. 

I remember attending a press conference called by mission- 
ary leaders, at which one man after another got up and told of 
atrocities committed in his district by the political branch of 
the army. I asked one of the speakers how he accounted for 
the fact that the communist students and soldiers were able by 
the use of intensive propaganda to counteract the accomplish- 



ments of Christian missionaries extending over a long period of 
years. He replied, "It is always easier to destroy than to build," 
explaining that the widespread anti-imperialist and anti-religious 
propaganda directed at the missionaries was so closely linked 
with the question of nationalism and political reform that the 
majority of Christian converts were unable to come to the 
assistance of their foreign friends and benefactors. Any Chi- 
nese who helped a foreign friend was labeled a "running-dog 
of the imperialists." 

Foreigners were aware of Soviet influence behind the Chi- 
nese Communists, but few realized that the struggle taking place 
in China was part of a similar life-and-death struggle which 
was going on within Russia between Joseph Stalin and Leon 
Trotsky, the two rival leaders in the Russian Communist Party 
following the death of Lenin. The struggle involved the 
fundamental objectives of the communist movement. 

Lenin had declared, "China is seething it is our duty to 
keep the pot boiling." But the attempt to communize China 
was the work of the Leon Trotsky faction, which advocated 
world revolution. Following failures in Germany, Austria, Hun- 
gary, and England, the directors of the Thii|d International 
decided to attempt the communization of China and the mil- 
lions of Asia. Also behind the ideologies lurked the desire on 
the part of the Russian Red leaders to even scores with the 
American, British, and other European capitalist-imperialists 
by attacking their loosely held colonial dependencies in 
the Far East. 

They argued that if they were successful in China it would 
mean another communist state and a triumph for the Third 
International, which had lost prestige as a result of the rebuffs 
it had suffered in Europe. Also, there was the prospect that 
such success would put a crimp in the rising political prestige 
of Joseph Stalin, who was bitterly opposed to the world 
revolutionary program of Comrade Trotsky. Stalin believed 
in concentrating power in Russia itself. Finally there was the 
prospect of blocking or suppressing thousands of Russian emi- 


grees who had fled from Russia into Chinese territory after 
the Red Revolution in 1917. All emigrees were anti-Red. 

Reds from all points of the compass French, German, 
American, British, Hindu, Turkish flocked to China to help 
put over the revolution and, incidentally, participate in the 
expenditure of the considerable sums which the Third Inter- 
national had collected from the Russian peasants and the world's 
working classes. Propagandists and political manipulators who 
had walked to work or had ridden on street cars In their home 
countries quickly discovered that new American motor cars 
were a "necessary adjunct" to their activities in China. Shang- 
hai dealers in American cars did a thriving business while the 
Red boom lasted. But when Earl Browder, head of the Ameri- 
can Communist Party, arrived at Shanghai he quickly put a 
stop to the reckless spending. At an elaborate banquet given 
in his honor in Shanghai, Browder refused to eat anything but 
black-bread and water, which he said was the fare of the 
starving Russian peasants who had put up the money for the 
Chinese revolution. But Browder arrived on the scene too late; 
the autocratic and dictatorial actions of certain of the Russian 
advisers had already alienated the support of many of the 
Kuomintang leaders. 

I interviewed Browder on the subject of the communist 
situation in China, and heard him denounce in emphatic terms 
the political agents "who rode around in limousines and went 
to banquets when the peasants and workers of Russia and China 
were starving." 

The intimate connection between the failure of the Rus- 
sian communist experiment in China and the ultimate downfall 
of Commissar Trotsky is revealed in a passage in Trotsky's 
memoirs (Charles Scribner's Sons) wherein he charged that 
the Chinese Communist Party had been "forced to 'join the 
bourgeois Kuomintang and had been forbidden to create so- 
viets, compelled to hold the agrarian revolution in check and 
also to abstain from organizing the workers." Trotsky alleged 
that Stalin supported the Kuomintang-Communist hook-up and 


had defended General Chiang Kai-shek against attack. After 
the bloody suppression of the Chinese Communists at Shanghai, 
Trotsky said he had advised forbearance in the expectation that 
the action would attract more supporters to the Red banner. 
However, it did not work out in accordance with Trotsky's 
expectations and, to quote his words, "After the defeat of the 
German revolution, and the breakdown of the British general 
strike, the new disaster in China only intensified the disappoint- 
ment of the masses in the international revolution, and it was 
this disappointment which served as the chief psychological 
source of Stalin's policy of national reformism." 

It was natural that developments at Nanking and Hankow 
should arouse deep apprehension on the part of both Chinese 
and foreigners at Shanghai, China's largest and most European- 
ized city. It is one of the world's largest ports, and more in- 
dustries are concentrated in the Shanghai district than in any 
other area of equal size on the continent of East Asia. The city 
then had a population of approximately 3,000,000, of which 
some 75,000 or 80,000 were foreigners of almost every national- 
ity and race. It was the Far Eastern headquarters for most of 
the Protestant and Catholic mission establishments concerned 
with the propagation of Christianity among the Chinese people. 
As a result there was a larger investment of American capital 
in the Shanghai district than anywhere else in Asia, with the 
exception of the Philippines. British investments at Shanghai 
were larger than the American investments, and were exceeded 
only by British investments at Hong Kong. 

Alarmist reports of events at Hankow which appeared in 
the foreign press, particularly the leading British paper, the 
North China Daily News, created a situation of near panic 
among residents of the International Settlement and the French 
Concession. A well known British journalist at Peking named 
Putnam Weale made a trip to Hankow and wrote a series of 
articles regarding the situation there which he entitled "Red 
Wave on the Yangtse." 


I attended a press conference called by the manager of a 
leading British brokerage firm where it was explained that the 
foreign chambers of commerce and other organizations had de- 
cided to raise a large fund and initiate widespread counter- 
propaganda against the Communists. The chairman of the 
meeting asked the cooperation of the local press and suggested 
that each of the papers publish a special supplement exposing 
the communist menace. When he asked for comment on the 
anti-communist program, I expressed the view that any at- 
tempt to label the entire Nationalist movement as "Red" would 
probably defeat the object of the promoters of the campaign 
because it would antagonize all Chinese and tend to throw the 
entire Nationalist movement into the arms of the Reds. I said 
that the Nationalist movement in China long predated the ad- 
vent of the Russian Communists, and since the objectives of the 
two movements were antagonistic, the hook-up was not likely 
to last overlong unless the Powers adopted a policy of outright 

I also expressed the belief that neither America nor Britain 
would approve of any program which opposed the National- 
ist movement, or any attempt to discredit it by labeling it 
communistic. I therefore refused to cooperate in the campaign, 
and left the meeting. The North China Daily News, senior 
British paper in China, usually followed an austere, and on 
occasion supercilious, course with regard to Chinese politics; 
but on this occasion the editor forgot his dignity and went all 
out editorially against the entire Nationalist movement. With 
the assistance of two American journalists who were employed 
for the purpose, the paper issued a supplement on the Red 
question which still stands as a journalistic curiosity, due to the 
exaggerated and hysterical articles it contained. One article 
which aroused considerable amusement instructed readers on 
"How to Spot Communists at Moving Picture Shows and 
Other Public Gatherings." Later, after the excitement died 
down, the directors of the paper dropped the American 
propagandists, employed another editor, and brought the policy 


of the paper into accord with the changed conditions in 

As a result of the self-administered propaganda, both for- 
eign areas at Shanghai immediately went on a war basis, and 
thousands of coolies were employed day and night constructing 
trenches, barbed-wire barricades, and! concrete blockhouses. 
The panic among the foreigners at Shanghai spread to for- 
eign capitals, and was aggravated by further alarmist reports 
dispatched abroad by the foreign consulates and legations. 
Within a few weeks some 40,000 foreign troops were dispatched 
to the city, including American marines and soldiers, British 
soldiers, Japanese soldiers, Italian marines, and French Annamite 
troops from Indo-China. 

The American forces were commanded by General Smed- 
ley Butler, a veteran of the Boxer campaign of 1900. Butler, 
a Quaker, constantly exasperated the other commanders by 
issuing pacifist declarations to the press. 

At the height of the excitement I asked Butler, at a press 
conference, how many troops would be required for a general 
armed invasion in China sufficiently strong to suppress the 
Nationalist movement. Without hesitation he replied, "I would 
not dream of starting an armed invasion in China without a 
half million troops, and it probably would require a million 
more before the end of the first year." General Butler's state- 
ment was confirmed a few years later when the Japanese were 
unable to conquer China with more than two million troops 
and after years of warfare. 

On another occasion General Butler disclosed that his orders 
from Washington were "not to fire on any organized body of 
Chinese troops." He declared that his sole purpose was to pro- 
tect the American community against mob violence. Later, 
after General Butler had returned to the United States, he de- 
clared that his forces had not fired a single hostile shot while 
they were stationed jn China. Following his retirement he 


delivered speeches advocating the withdrawal of all American 
and other foreign forces from China. 

Another American official who preserved his balance and 
opposed an interventionist policy was Admiral Mark L. Bris- 
tol, commander of the United States fleet in Asiatic waters. 
Admiral Bristol had served as United States High Commis- 
sioner to Turkey after World War I, and had observed the 
futility of an interventionist movement on the part of the 
Allied Powers with regard to that country. 

The first British commander in China, Lord Gort, returned 
to England in disgust when he discovered that the British 
Government also had no intention of embarking on a grandiose 
military adventure in China. Elaborate plans for an invasion 
of the Yangtze Valley and the creation of a "sanitary zone" 
fifty miles wide on each side of the Yangtze River between 
Shanghai and Hankow, a distance of six hundred miles, which 
had been in the files of the International Settlement for many 
years, were put back in the pigeonholes to gather more dust. 
The plans had been prepared by old-guard dyed-in-the-wool 
imperialists in Shanghai, who thought China could be fright- 
ened into submission by a show of foreign force. 

The new British commander sent out to replace Lord Gort 
held a press conference shortly after his arrival. Exhibiting a 
new map on the wall of his office, he said, "I want you to see 
that I have changed the color of the thumb tacks indicating 
the location of the Chinese Nationalist troops; previously we 
used red tacks, now they are yellow." He declared that the 
British Government realized that the Chinese Nationalist move- 
ment was a genuine revolutionary effort designed to bring 
about a new day in China, and was not a "Red Wave on the 
Yangtze" designed for the purpose of driving Americans and 
Europeans out of the country, as had been pictured in the 
excited propaganda and exaggerated news reports circulated 
by Shanghai's die-hard imperialists. 

Conservative Chinese commercial and financial interests at 


Shanghai generally supported the Nationalist movement, which 
they hoped would bring an end to the political unrest which 
had prevailed in the country for a decade. They thought it 
would bring order to a sorely harassed nation and its impover- 
ished people, but the bankers and businessmen at the same time 
realized there would be no permanent relief or reconstruction 
under the program proposed by the Communist wing of the 
Kuomintang Party. Delegations of businessmen and bankers 
sent from Shanghai to Hankow, and to Kiangsi and Hunan 
Provinces, for the purpose of investigating conditions under 
the Red regime, were seized and paraded through the villages 
in their shirt-tails by radical students bearing placards denounc- 
ing Chinese businessmen as "Running-Dogs of the Imperialists." 
When the delegates returned to Shanghai with their reports of 
the reign of terror which prevailed in Hankow and surround- 
ing areas, they immediately took steps to prevent a recurrence 
of such developments in the Shanghai area. 

The complete story of the Shanghai war between the right- 
wing Kuomintangists and the left-wing radicals and Commu- 
nists never was told because those who were responsible for 
the suppression of the radical elements obviously did not wish 
to reveal their methods, while those who were suppressed did 
not survive to tell the story. The fact that the Communists had 
armed and trained thousands of laborers in Shanghai mills was 
known to the municipal authorities, who naturally took steps 
to meet the situation; they were spurred to action by the 
Communists' seizure of strategic points in the native areas. 

Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek was at his headquarters at 
Nanchang in Kiangsi Province, hence did not take part in the 
suppression of the Red elements at Shanghai; and the same 
applied to three of the four outstanding leaders of the con- 
servative wing of the party, General Li Chi-sheng, General 
Li Tsung-jen, and General Ho Ying-chin, as they also were in 
command of Nationalist armies still hundreds of miles from 


But the same could not be said of another Nationalist com- 
mander, who also had been associated with General Chiang in 
the advance from Canton. The commander was Chang Chien, 
who did not participate in the drive on Shanghai, but diverted 
his troops to the west and moved directly on Nanking. When 
General Chang Chien's troops entered Nanking they systemati- 
cally looted the city, including the foreign consulates, mission 
stations, and residences and business properties of both foreign- 
ers and Chinese. Acting in accordance with an apparently 
prearranged plan, they staged a reign of terror, and numerous 
outrages were committed against foreigners. Evidence pointed 
to the fact that the Nanking incident had been staged by leftist 
elements for the purpose of discrediting General Chiang Kai- 

Opposed to the advancing Nationalists was the able North- 
ern general, Sun Chuan-fang, who controlled the seaboard 
provinces of Fukien, Chekiang, and Kiangsu from his capital 
at Hangchow, about one hundred miles southwest of Shanghai. 

Before the situation became critical, I had accompanied a 
group of correspondents to Hangchow to interview General 
Sun regarding his plans for the defense of the Shanghai dis- 
trict against the Nationalists. The Shanghai or Yangtze delta 
region embraced a triangular area, the three sides of which were 
100, 200, and 250 miles in length respectively. Shanghai was at 
the eastern apex, Nanking at the north, and Hangchow at the 
south. Within this triangular area was the richest section of 
China, embracing fertile agricultural land devoted largely to 
the production of cotton, silk, wheat, and rice. There also were 
a number of prosperous industrial cities, chief of which was 
Wusih, center of cotton, silk and flour manufacturing within 
this section. 

General Sun was one of the more enlightened of the North- 
ern military commanders and had a good record as an 
administrator. He held a review of his troops, reputedly the 
best equipped in the country, and declared his ability to hold 


Shanghai against the "Reds/' One of the correspondents who 
represented a New York paper sent a story that Shanghai was 
"impregnable" and in no danger of occupation by the National- 
ists. He was not aware of the fact that the morale of General 
Sun's well equipped forces had been completely undermined 
by propaganda of the Communists. 

Since the foreign-administered International Settlement and 
French Concession were garrisoned by foreign troops and were 
heavily insulated from contact with the surrounding country- 
side by a string of fortifications and countless strands of barbed- 
wire barricades, the population inside had little knowledge of 
what was going on outside. For many days preceding the ar- 
rival of the Nationalist forces there was continuous gunfire in 
the densely populated areas of Pootung, Chapei, and Nantao, 
where most of the native-owned industries were located and 
where most of the laboring population resided. 

Shanghai was in such a nervous state that the wildest rumors 
were constantly in circulation, and most of them were believed. 
One day there was a report that the authorities of the French 
Concession had decided not to offer resistance to the advancing 
Nationalist armies, and would permit the soldiers to enter the 
Concession without their arms. Since the two foreign areas 
were separated only by a street, this still further increased the 
prevailing panic in the International Settlement. That night the 
Settlement authorities put their army of laborers to work build- 
ing a new barbed-wire barricade, this time between the Inter- 
national Settlement and the French Concession. I interviewed 
the French Consul-General about the new turn of events, but 
he only shrugged his shoulders. I suspected he knew more than 
he was willing to admit, which we soon found to be a fact, for 
the French already had established contact with the Nationalist 
(Kuomintang) officers. When the American correspondents 
learned that two Nationalist officers had arrived on the border 
of the French Concession, it was the French municipal police 
who opened the gates in the barricade and permitted us to pass 
through for an interview. The Nationalist officers were Gen- 


eral Li Tsung-jen and General Ho Ying-chin. Both assured us 
that they had no intention of attacking the foreigners and that 
they had taken steps to restore order in the native areas about 
Shanghai. They informed us that the Northern commander at 
Shanghai had already fled, and that his troops had been dis- 

Bearing in mind the fact that Shanghai is China's "key" city, 
which any political group seeking to govern the country must 
control, it was obvious that both groups in the Kuomintang had 
made preparations to seize control of the Chinese-administered 
sections of the city. Propaganda squads attached to the radical 
branch of the party were first on the scene and had completely 
undermined the morale of the Northern troops which controlled 
the lower Yangtze district, in which Shanghai is located. The 
demoralization of the erstwhile defenders of the city was so 
complete that their commanders did not wait for the advancing 
Nationalist armies to get within shooting distance; they evacu- 
ated before the Southerners were within a hundred miles of 
the city. The result was that the Shanghai district experienced 
an interregnum between the evacuation of the Northerners and 
the arrival of the Southern armies, which were forced to travel 
afoot as the Northerners had seized all of the railway rolling 
stock and available shipping along the coast and on the Yangtze 

The Communists thus had an opportunity to make their 
preparations. There was no questioning the fact that prevailing 
sentiment among the student and labor groups favored the left- 
ists and their program of social reform. Preparations had been 
made for seizure of control of Shanghai in the manner of Han- 
kow, and, as at Hankow, there were parades, mass meetings, 
speeches, and distribution of literature. The walls of buildings 
were plastered with posters denouncing foreign imperialists. 
Any Chinese who helped a foreigner was designated in word 
and cartoon as a "running-dog" of the foreign imperialists. Chi- 
nese compradores, or native agents of the large foreign firms, 


who constituted a powerful group that controlled the native 
guilds and chambers of commerce, were singled out for special 
abuse by radical propagandists. The compradores were held up 
to public ridicule and no terms of opprobrium in a language 
which is rich in such expressions were overlooked in the poster 

It appeared that Shanghai was on the point of experienc- 
ing a repetition of the incidents at Nanking and Hankow, p^rtic- 
ularly* when it became known that thousands of rifles had been 
distributed to the factory workers by the radical leaders. 

2 Benevolent Gangster 

Out of the confusion then prevailing in Shanghai there 
emerged a figure, previously unknown, who took on the com- 
posite character of an earlier-decade American gangster and 
political boss. The character was Dou Yu-seng, now listed in 
the respectable China "Who's Who" as a "banker, philan- 
thropist, and welfare worker." Dou's early life is not well 
known, as he was born of peasants in a little fishing village 
near the seacoast about twenty-five miles from metropolitan 
Shanghai. (The little town, renamed "Dou's Village" and 
inhabited by a few hundred people boatmen, fishermen and 
farmers was galvanized into sudden prominence in 1934, 
when Dou celebrated his fiftieth birthday by dedicating a 
family shrine in the village and staging a two-mile-long parade 
through the countryside which cost him well over a million 
dollars. Banners were carried in the parade containing messages 
of felicitation from leaders throughout the country.) 

Dou Yu-seng started his career in the Shanghai French 
Concession as a youthful fruit peddler. He soon discovered the 
places where opium was sold illicitly, and familiarized himself 
with the racketeering, hijacking, and other practices which 
prevailed in Shanghai somewhat as they were practiced in the 
bootleg industry in the United States during prohibition days. 
Methods used by Dou Yu-seng in gaining control of the under- 


world situation followed traditional lines, and Dou shortly 
emerged from the sidewalks and malodorous gutters of the 
French Concession and the adjoining native district of Nantao 
as controller of opium, gambling, and the amusement industries. 
In his rise to power Dou solved a local political problem which 
previously had defied solution: he amalgamated two powerful 
secret political organizations whose activities extended far back 
into the era of the Manchu Dynasty. The organizations, known 
as the Blue Society and the Green Society, originally were en- 
gaged in intrigue against the Manchus, but after the creation of 
the republic they degenerated into gangsterism. The two groups 
were violently antagonistic, and their rivalries frequently broke 
out in gun battles similar to early tong wars in the Chinese 
communities in the United States. But Dou Yu-seng accom- 
plished the seemingly impossible by amalgamating the rival 
groups, and became head of the rejuvenated organization known 
as the Blue-Green Society, which performed functions, accord- 
ing to Chinese lights, probably not greatly different from those 
performed by political groups which dominate the large cities 
of the United States. 

Dou Yu-seng had two trusted lieutenants, one of whom 
controlled the amusement industry and the other the native 
chambers of commerce and guilds. They previously had been 
active in the rival Blue and Green societies respectively. 

Political conditions in the French Concession facilitated 
Dou's rise to power. The Shanghai French Concession, although 
regarded as a "little piece of La Belle France," was governed 
not directly from Paris, but second-hand through Hanoi, capi- 
tal of the French Colony of Indo-China. The inefficiency and 
corruption which prevailed in the French Colony were re- 
peated in the French Concession at Shanghai. French officials, 
particularly chiefs of police, appointed to Shanghai quickly 
amassed fortunes from underworld activities which prevailed 
in the Concession. These conditions were exposed to the world 
when the French Administration at Hanoi surrendered abjectly 
to the Japanese. 


Dou Yu-seng and his associates took advantage of this situa- 
tion and became the real controllers of the French Concession. 
Don ruled his empire from his home in the Concession, which 
resembled an arsenal. But he was a liberal contributor to chari- 
ties and he came to hold more chairmanships on directorates 
of Chinese banks and business houses than any other man in 
the city. His orders were enforced by hundreds of armed 
guards, popularly known as "Dou's plain-clothes men." 

When conditions became chaotic after the withdrawal of 
the Northern troops, Dou Yu-seng stepped into the breach and 
notified the local foreign authorities that he would assume 
responsibility for the maintenance of law and order, pending 
the arrival of the Nationalist troops. It was at this point that 
the shooting began; it continued without intermission for many 
days. Preparations which the radicals and Communists had made 
for seizing the city back-fired, and the reign of terror which 
the Reds had planned was turned against them. 

No accurate count was made of bodies which littered the 
streets of the native areas, but Edgar Snow, who was then on 
the staff of the China Weekly Review, estimated that more 
than 5,000 leftists were killed. According to Snow's account, 
Chou En-lai, the Communist leader, had organized 600,000 
workers who staged a general strike, completely tying up the 
industries of the city. Order among the strikers was maintained 
by some 50,000 trained pickets. Police stations and the local 
arsenal and garrison headquarters were seized by some 5,000 
armed workers, of whom about 2,000 had been specially trained. 
A so-called "citizens' government 3 ' was proclaimed, stated 
Snow's account. 

But the Communist coup was short-lived. It could not stand 
up against the experienced gunmen of Dou Yu-seng. When the 
Nationalist troops under General Li Tsung-jen, General Pai 
Chung-hsi, and General Ho Ying-chin arrived at Shanghai they 
found the job already completed; the city was handed over to 
them by Dou Yu-seng and his lieutenants. Chou En-lai, the 


Communist leader, was imprisoned and other radical leaders, 
who were not captured and executed, fled to Hankow. Shortly 
afterward, when General Chiang Kai-shek arrived and assumed 
control of the situation, he issued an edict expelling the Commu- 
nists from the Kuomintang and ordering the deportation from 
China of all Russian Soviet advisers. The enforcement of the 
expulsion and deportation order at Canton was accompanied 
by serious rioting and the massacre of many members of the 
leftist group, including several Russians. The lives of a num- 
ber of the Russian advisers were saved by American Consul 
Houston, who permitted them to seek refuge in the American 
consulate at Canton. 

After the collapse of the "Canton Commune" the Reds 
attempted to set up a regime at Swatow on the coast of Kwan- 
tung Province, north of Canton, but it could not stand against 
the Kuomintang troops led by General Chiang Kai-shek. Finally 
the defeated Red forces which were scattered over Central and 
South China combined with those driven from Hankow, and 
formed a "Soviet Government of China" in the mountainous 
areas on the border between Kiangsi and Fukien Provinces, 
where they held out for several months, but ultimately were 
ejected by Chiang Kai-shek's air-bombers and forced to flee 
to the Northwest, where they established another communistic 
government at Yenan, Shensi which is still in existence. 

The last episode staged by the Red wing faction in the 
Kuomintang was at Nanking when Communists within the 
Nationalist army staged the attack on foreign residents. Several 
Americans and Britons were killed and wounded, and it became 
necessary for American gunboats on the Yangtze at Nanking 
to fire on a mob of soldiers attacking members of the Ameri- 
can consulate and local American residents, including several 
women, who were marooned on a hill overlooking the city wall. 
The soldiers were frightened away* by the gunboat barrage, and 
the Americans were evacuated over the wall to the gunboats 
on the river. After General Chiang Kai-shek's loyal commanders 


succeeded in restoring order, the leaders of the Communist coup, 
which was designed to discredit the Kuomintang with the for- 
eign Powers, were tried and several of them were executed, 

On the evening of the day following the Nanking incident, 
the correspondents were summoned to a press conference at the 
American consulate. I was accompanied to the meeting by Prof. 
Manley CX Hudson of the Department of International Law at 
Harvard, and we were introduced to an American mission- 
ary who had been in Nanking at the time of the "reign of ter- 
ror," He told us of the murder of Dr. Williams, President 
Emeritus of Nanking University, and that of an American 
woman secretary in one of the mission offices because she re- 
fused to hand over the keys to the safe; and also of the shoot- 
ing and wounding of the British Consul 

These incidents had already been reported, but the intense 
interest of the correspondents was aroused when the speaker, 
who was in a highly excited state as a result of his experiences, 
declared that there had been several instances where foreign 
women had been raped by the crazed Red soldiers. Copies of 
the missionary's statement, which had just been typed by one 
of the consular staff, were passed out to the correspondents. 
Before the conference broke up, Dr. Hudson suggested to me 
that I ask the spokesman whether he had personal knowledge 
of any of the rape cases. He replied with considerable heat that 
he did not have first-hand information, but had been told of 
the incidents by persons whom he trusted. This immediately 
aroused a ^serious controversy, in the course of which Dr. Hud- 
son explained that he had served on a commission which had 
investigated World War I atrocities, and that few alleged rape 
cases had stood up under investigation. 

The upshot of the matter was that most of the correspond- 
ents who cabled the rape story qualified it as not based on first- 
hand information. It should be stated that so-called "rape" 
stories had been freely circulated about the city and had ap- 


peared in some of the papers. These stories were exploited by 
reactionary interests with the object of provoking armed 
intervention on the part of the foreign Powers. 

Several weeks after the above happenings I received a let- 
ter from an American woman physician who was in Nanking 
at the time of the incident and had made a first-hand investiga- 
tion of the rape allegations. She said that there had been only 
one case, and that it was "attempted" rape. Her account stated 
that three soldiers had entered a house and, finding an Ameri- 
can woman alone, had dragged her to an upstairs room. How- 
ever, they became frightened and ran away without accomplish- 
ing their purpose. This was the only case of the kind which 
came to my attention in more than a quarter of a century of 
newspaper work in China. 

Dou Yu-seng was hailed as the deliverer of Shanghai from 
the Red menace. Shortly afterward the home French Govern- 
ment became exasperated over the corruption and gangsterism 
which had prevailed for so many years in the French Conces- 
sion, sent an admiral and a naval force to Shanghai, and effected 
a complete clean-up of gangsterism. After that Dou Yu-seng 
became a respectable businessman and philanthropist and was 
decorated by the Government. However, he kept an anchor 
to windward by retaining control of his Blue-Green Society 
and his small army of plain-clothes men. 

When the Japanese intervened at Shanghai early in 1932 
in order to suppress anti- Japanese activities which flared up 
following Japan's seizure of Manchuria, Dou Yu-seng's "army" 
again went into action in the Hongkew section of Shanghai, 
which the Japanese had occupied. Firing from concealed posi- 
tions in npper stories and on roofs of buildings, they wreaked 
havoc among Japan's naval forces as well as civilians. Dou's 
plain-clothes men aided materially in the defense of the city 
and made the intervention so costly to the Japanese that they 
were glad to accept mediation and withdraw their naval 
forces. When the Japanese launched their war in China proper 
in 1937, Dou Yu-seng and his followers, after defending the 


city to the last ditch, withdrew with the Nationalist forces to 
West China, where they have stayed. 

Many months after the suppression of the Communists at 
Shanghai, Stirling Fessenden, American chairman of the Inter- 
national Settlement and popularly known as the "Lord Mayor 
of Shanghai," told me the following story of the "saving" of 
Shanghai from the Chinese Reds and their Soviet advisers. So 
far as I know the full story has never appeared in print, as it 
was "off the record" until Fessenden's death in Shanghai follow- 
ing the Japanese occupation. 

Fessenden said that the authorities of the French Conces- 
sion were chiefly responsible for bringing Dou Yu-seng into 
the Shanghai "war" between the Kuomintang and the Russian- 
supported Chinese Communists. Dou had "grown up" in the 
French Concession, hence it was natural for the French to turn 
to him for assistance, as all governmental authority had col- 
lapsed in the Chinese areas surrounding the foreign districts. 
Fessenden said: 

"The French, chief of police phoned me one day and asked 
me to meet him for a confidential talk about the local situation. 
I went to the address he gave me and was surprised to find it 
was a Chinese residence surrounded by a high wall, with armed 
guards at the front gate. I was admitted and immediately 
ushered into a waiting room. I could not help but notice that 
the large entrance hall was lined on both sides with stacks of 
rifles and sub-machine guns. Soon I heard voices, and the 
French official entered with two Chinese. One was Dou Yu-seng 
and the other was an interpreter. We got down to business 
immediately, the French chief of police explaining that he had 
been discussing with Dou the matter of defending the foreign 
settlement against the Communists, as the local Chinese Govern- 
ment, which was composed of Northerners, had collapsed 
following the evacuation of the Northern defense commander 
and his troops. Dou went to the point in a businesslike man- 
ner. He was willing to move against the Reds, but he had two 


conditions: first, he wanted the French authorities to supply 
him with at least 5,000 rifles and ample ammunition. Then turn- 
ing to me/' said Fessenden, "he demanded permission to move 
his military trucks through the International Settlement, some- 
thing which the Settlement authorities had never granted to 
any Chinese force. Dou said this was necessary in order to 
move arms and munitions from one section of the native city 
to the other." 

Fessenden told Dou he would agree subject to the approval 
of the Municipal Council. Continuing, Fessenden said: 

"I realized we were taking a desperate chance in dealing 
with a man of Dou's reputation, but the situation was critical, 
as an attempt by the Communists to seize the Settlement and 
the French Concession was certain to result in widespread dis- 
order and bloodshed, involving the lives of thousands of Ameri- 
cans, Britons, and other foreign residents as well as tens of 
thousands of Chinese who resided in the foreign-administered 
sections of the city. Since the Communists had plotted to seize 
the foreign areas and defend themselves against the Kuomin- 
tang troops, it would mean that the foreigners would be sand- 
wiched between the contending forces. The result would have 
been international complications far more serious than anything 
which had occurred since the establishment of the Settlement 
nearly a century ago. It took Dou about three weeks to com- 
plete his job, and by that time sufficient foreign troops had 
arrived to preserve order within the foreign sections; and also 
by that time General Chiang Kai-shek had arrived and assumed 
control in the native area. He immediately announced that the 
Kuomintang troops had no intention of attacking the foreign- 
ers, as had occurred at Nanking. He also announced that the 
perpetrators of the Nanking outrages would be punished." 

Many American professional defenders of the Chinese 
Communists have written tearful paragraphs about the "mas- 
sacre" of Chinese workers and students by the Chinese "fascists 
and capitalists" at Shanghai, Canton and elsewhere. They either 
gloss over or omit entirely the all-important point that the so- 


called workers and students had been trained in revolutionary 
methods and terrorism either in Moscow or by Russian agents 
in China, and that these same workers and students were pro- 
vided with arms by agents of the Third International operating 
in China. So long as the Communists maintain the principle of 
"force" as a means of accomplishing their political designs, they 
can have no cause for complaint when their enemies use simi- 
lar methods in opposing them. 

Diplomatic Juggling on Intervention 

AN INTERESTING ASPECT of the situation in Shanghai in 1927 has 
recently been brought to light by the publication of dispatches 
exchanged between the State Department and the American 
Consul-General at Shanghai. 

Two particular dispatches referring to the China Weekly 
Review were exchanged between Clarence E. Gauss, Consul- 
General at Shanghai (1926-27), and Frank B. Kellogg, Secre- 
tary of State, at the time of the advance of the Chinese National- 
ist forces from Canton into the Yangtze Valley. 

Mr. Gauss (who retired as Ambassador to the Chungking 
Government in 1944) wired the State Department late in 
March, 1927, questioning the authenticity of a dispatch from 
Washington by the China Weekly Review's correspond- 
ent, J. J. Underwood, which indicated that the Coolidge 
Administration did not intend to intervene in China in com- 
pany with other countries under a "unified command," which 
was being demanded by die-hard interests in Shanghai. Owing 
to the stirring developments which followed publication of the 
dispatch in the China Weekly Review and other Shanghai pa- 
pers, the dispatch is quoted here in full as a significant and, 
as later developments showed, an accurate statement of Ameri- 
can policy toward the Chinese Nationalist military and politi- 
cal movement. The dispatch read as follows: 

WASHINGTON, March 30 [1927]. It was explained at the White 
House today that the President is convinced of the fact that the 
situation of China is more promising. It is intimated in official circles 
that there is no purpose in joining in any unified demand of punish- 
ment of those guilty in connection with the Nanking incident. 



Although the Shanghai situation demands cooperation, it was inti- 
mated in administration circles that the United States Government 
did not as yet feel that the China situation demanded the necessity 
of creating the unified command. Furthermore, it is felt that there 
is no necessity for additional troops, that is in addition to those now 
in China and en route. It was emphasized again at the Department 
of State that the American forces in China are merely acting in a 
police capacity and that this does not mean intervention. In refer- 
ence to the Nanking incident it was stated that it has not been 
determined the Cantonese were responsible. 

At the time of the publication of this dispatch none of the 
Shanghai newspapers received dispatches directly from the 
United States through any American aews service, and in 
consequence the papers depended entirely upon the British 
Reuter's service, which then reported happenings in the United 
States by the roundabout route of London-Calcutta-Singapore- 
Hong Kong. Shanghai was therefore not in direct touch with 
official or public opinion in the United States as it had developed 
on the question of armed intervention in China. 

Shanghai for weeks had been panicky over the advance of 
the Nationalist armies from the South, and the chambers of 
commerce, municipal government and foreign consuls, as well 
as the legations at Peking, had been frantically cabling for more 
troops to protect the city, which had already been barricaded 
by a hastily constructed system of trenches, concrete block- 
houses, and innumerable strands of barbed wire. The intense 
propaganda against the Nationalist movement, variously de- 
scribed as "controlled and directed by Moscow" and as a 
"Red Wave on the Yangtze," had created a psychological situa- 
tion among the foreign population closely akm to mass hysteria. 
The French authorities, possibly due to their close relationship 
with the Catholic missionaries scattered over the country, were 
not alarmed at the advance of the Nationalists and, as I have 
said, had established contact with the Nationalist leaders long 
before they reached the environs of the city. However, the 


French had also barricaded the borders of their Concession 
which fronted on native territory. 

The United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan 
had already responded to the appeals for troops, but as indi- 
cated in the telegram to the Review from its correspondent in 
Washington, there apparently was no intention on the part of 
the Administration, or at least of President Coolidge, to inter- 
vene in China under a so-called "unified command," as Shang- 
hai's old-guard reactionaries had been demanding for many 

I was never able to find anyone who had seen this grandiose 
plan of strategy designed to block the Nationalist movement at 
the Yangtze and prevent it from extending into North China, 
but most residents believed such a plan was in existence and 
that the Powers were now prepared to put it into effect. It was 
common talk around the clubs and hotel lobbies that the up- 
start Nationalists, who had declared their intention of abro- 
gating long-established foreign treaties, were to be put in their 
proper place and soundly spanked in the bargain. Old ideas 
regarding Chinese armies, that they were a ragamuffin outfit 
which would run away at the first shot from a rifle in the 
hands of a foreign soldier, still prevailed. 

Old-guard merchants and residents with vested interests in 
the Settlement who dominated the port and controlled most of 
the newspapers, believed, under the hypnotism of their own 
self-made propaganda, that the long-awaited day of deliverance 
had arrived. Plans for the creation of a vast "free, city" area at 
the mouth of the Yangtze were pulled out of pigeonholes, 
dusted off, and revised for immediate use. 

Therefore the publication of the Washington dispatch in 
the China Weekly Review, intimating that there would be no 
intervention, no unified command, no fantastic creation of a 
neutral zone on the Yangtze, and that the troops being sent 
to Shanghai were for police purposes only, created a feeling 


of exasperation and frustration difficult of description except 
in technical terms of mass psychopathy. The China Weekly 
Review, which had published the dispatch, was regarded some- 
what in the light of the traditional bearer of bad tidings. Die- 
hard reactionaries argued, "Surely the dispatch cannot be true; 
obviously the Powers cannot let us down at this crucial stage; 
the dispatch must have been inspired by the Bolsheviks; the 
United States Government could not be guilty of such a 
'pusillanimous' policy." 

Indignation mounted to feverish proportions. The fact that 
the Review had long argued editorially that it was necessary 
for the foreigners to meet the rising tide of Chinese Nationalism 
with concessions, otherwise they would lose everything, caused 
the old guard to blame me, as editorof the paper, for the failure 
of their well-laid plans. 

As a result of the agitation Consul-General Gauss cabled the 
State Department to the following effect: 

This message not only is disconcerting to Americans here who, 
whatever their previous opinions, now are awakened to the neces- 
sity for strong action of the Powers on the Nanking incident in 
order to check the dominant control of the Nationalist movement 
by the radical communist element, but is distinctly encouraging to 
that radical element now rapidly gaining control of the situation. 
I trust the report in the China Weekly Review is incorrect and that 
I may be instructed to repudiate it. The situation here remains 
unchanged, with the radical and lawless elements holding a large 
measure of control and Chiang Kai-shek with limited forces taking 
no drastic measures to suppress them. 

The State Department sent a reply to Mr. Gauss's telegram 
which should be preserved in the museum of diplomatic curiosi- 
ties, if such an institution exists, for it confirmed in typical 
diplomatic circumlocutory terms every statement which ap- 
peared in Jack Underwood's dispatch to the China Weekly 
Review but ended with an allegation that the dispatch "had 
no basis of truth" and, if Mr. Gauss "considered it wise," he 
was authorized to repudiate it. The reply: 


WASHINGTON, March 31 [1927]. Apparently the press report 
you quoted is based on the White House press conference March 
29, during which in replying to questions the President stated that 
he had nothing to add to his statement the other day concerning 
the movement of American forces to China, at which time he had 
said he saw no necessity for increasing American forces in China. 
However, he wanted to say that he had hardly made that state- 
ment when a telegram was received from Admiral Williams request- 
ing 1,500 additional marines, and these were of course being sent 
by the Navy Department. The President said he expected that 
these forces would suffice, that it might be possible that there might 
be no need for them, but that China was a long distance away in 
any case, and to get a force assembled ready to send takes time. 
We have to anticipate what events might arise and we are depend- 
ing upon the Admiral's request for more forces. The Admiral, up 
to the time when the first statement was made, had not thought 
the sending of any larger force than he had in China was neces- 
sary. For a considerable length of time three cruisers were held 
at Honolulu awaiting his call, and some days ago they were dis- 
patched. The purpose of our forces there is to protect our people 
and their property. Our forces are not an expeditionary force. 
They are in the nature of a police force to give our people protec- 
tion in so far as they can. They are not allowed to make war on 
anyone. There is no organized military attack on our people, but 
sometimes disorganized attacks are made by soldiers who are not 
acting, we presume, under authority from anyone attempting to 
function as a government, but who rather are acting as a mob. 
The liability of something like that breaking out at any time is 
the reason we are increasing our forces. There will not be a change 
in the command of our forces in China. Our forces will of course 
be commanded by our own officers and it is not intended so far 
as I know to have any unified command. As is necessary, of course, 
we are cooperating there with other nations. I do not understand 
that the location of the foreign settlements is such that our people 
are altogether separated from the people of other nations. There 
is no separation of the French Settlement from the settlement of 
other nationals or the International Settlement, so that we all should 
act together in order to prevent a mob from forcing its way through 
at any time and to give protection to our own people. The above 
report is for your confidential and private information. You will 
understand that the statement published in the China Weekly Re- 
view has no basis of truth and if you consider it wise to repudiate 
the statement you are authorized to do so. KELLOGG 


The contents of this dispatch were soon known and whis- 
pered about Shanghai. Two days later the American Chamber 
of Commerce in Shanghai passed a strong resolution demand- 
ing armed intervention in China by the Powers. The Chamber's 
resolution expressed the view that the American people at home 
"are easily cajoled into tearful sympathy for any cause, right- 
eous or otherwise, and have been duped in regard to the Chinese 
situation by Soviet propaganda. n 

Shortly after the passage of this resolution the board of 
directors called a special meeting of the chamber and formally 
requested the resignation of the editor of the China Weekly 
Review because of the paper's editorial policy. Although an 
active member of the chamber almost from the date of its 
organization in 1917, I was not notified of the special meeting 
and only through accident learned of it in time to reach the 
meeting place before the vote on the resolution was taken. I 
had that morning received another telegram from the Review's 
Washington correspondent, Mr. Underwood, confirming fur- 
ther the opposition of President Coolidge and Secretary of State 
Kellogg to any armed interventionist program, and had a copy 
of it in my pocket when I went to the meeting. The meeting 
was attended by only a small percentage of the membership, 
and as I looked over the gathering I had a feeling that it was 
a "packed" meeting. My surmise was borne out when the 
members present, one after another, got up and condemned 
the China Weekly Review for its editorial attitude as being 
contrary to the interests of American business in Shanghai and 
of foreigners generally in China. 

Before a vote was taken I stated that I realized fully the 
seriousness of the crisis in China, but was convinced that armed 
action by the Powers would only have the effect of strengthen- 
ing the radical elements and their Soviet supporters who were 
trying to overthrow the moderate Kuornintang faction, led by 
General Chiang Kai-shek. I also explained that the views I had 
expressed editorially in the Review coincided with the tradi- 


tional views of the United States Government, and particu- 
larly with the views of the Administration leaders. I then read 
the telegram I had received that morning from Washington, 
which further confirmed the previous message, that Washington 
was opposed to armed intervention, except for the protection 
of the lives and property of American citizens from mob vio- 

I had scarcely resumed my seat when a local American 
lawyer, Chauncy P. Holcomb, a Delawarean, and a former 
District Attorney attached to the United States Court for China, 
got up and made a fiery speech in which he denounced the 
"pusillanimous" policy of the United States Government and 
charged that the China Weekly Review "was largely respon- 
sible for the attitude of our home authorities In letting the 
Americans and other foreigners down." Before the vote was 
taken someone raised a parliamentary question by calling atten- 
tion to the by-laws of the chamber, which provided that no 
member of the chamber could be expelled without due notice 
in writing being given and a certain number of days permit- 
ted to elapse so that a formal reply could be made. But the 
members present would not listen to opposition, even on 
constitutional grounds, and passed the resolution by a consider- 
able majority. I immediately declared my determination to 
continue my editorial policy and refused to comply with the 
chamber's resolution demanding my resignation unless the 
chamber's action was confirmed at a meeting called for the 
purpose in accordance with the by-laws of the organization. 
No such meeting ever was held. 

The correspondents for American and British papers who 
were covering the Shanghai crisis sent to their papers stories 
of the action of the American chamber, and as a result I was 
deluged by telegrams and cables congratulating me on my 
attitude and urging me to stand my ground in opposition to 
armed intervention. Among those who approved my stand 


Some days later I had confirmation of my suspicion that 
the American chamber's action had been instigated by mem- 
bers of the so-called "Raven Group" of local businessmen, 
who were deeply involved in speculative real-estate promo- 
tional activities in land located outside of the foreign settle- 
ments. This group stood to gain materially from an intervention- 
ist program. It was disclosed later that a member of this group 
had fostered the^plan to create a so-called "Free City" at the 
mouth of the Yangtze River which would be independent of 
the Republic of China. The plan, which had been sent to the 
League of Nations at Geneva, was a thinly disguised scheme 
to carve a colony out of China's national domain which would, 
of course, include the Municipality of Shanghai. (For further 
comment on Raven, see Chapter II.) 

American missionary groups in China, with few exceptions, 
took a position sharply in contrast to the attitude of the Cham- 
ber of Commerce, which was openly condemned as "gunboat" 
policy and contrary to the best interests of Americans and 
Chinese alike. Several of the missionary groups which had suf- 
fered in the Nanking incident refused to accept indemnities for 
losses of life or property. 

The American chamber at Shanghai persisted in its opposi- 
tion to the non-interventionist policies of the United States 
Government, and even went to the extent of appointing as its 
Washington representative a notorious Japanese propagandist, 
George Bronson Rea, editor of the Far Eastern Review, a paper 
which had served Japanese interests in the Far East for more 
than a decade. Mr. Rea once made a speech before the annual 
convention of the United States Chamber of Commerce in 
which he recommended a new policy for the United States in 
the Far East, which he called "benevolent intervention to save 
China from the Red influence of Moscow." Mr. Rea later be- 
came the diplomatic representative in Washington for the 
puppet state of Manchukuo with a salary of $25,000. 

Robert Pickens, a member of the Washington Bureau of 


the Associated Press, who was in Shanghai at the time of these 
events, compiled a summary of press opinion in the United 
States on the question of armed intervention in China. He 
called attention to the fact that ordinarily the American press 
is more or less dormant on the matter of China news, but largely 
due to the Nanking incident, even the most conservative papers 
printed long dispatches from their correspondents under heavy 
headlines. The China situation thus became a big story of first- 
rate importance, and as a result public opinion in the United 
States was mobilized to an unusual extent. The American press 
was almost unanimously opposed to intervention in China, and 
there was strong opposition to American cooperation with other 
Powers in a program which might involve widespread military 
action. According to a summary prepared by the Literary 
Digest, American editors had seldom been so unanimous in their 
endorsement of President Coolidge's policy. Mr. Pickens's sur- 
vey, written for publication, declared that American editorial 
opinion in opposition to the Shanghai scheme of sanctions had 
led the State Department to follow a non-intervention policy. 

China and USSR at War 

ANTI-RUSSIAN SENTIMENT which developed in Central and 
South China following the split in the Kuomintang Party in 
1927 quickly spread to North China. Here the Russians found 
their bitterest opponent in Marshal Chang Tso-lin, dictator of 
Manchuria and leader of the Northern military faction opposed 
to General Chiang Kai-shek (who became Generalissimo in 

On April 6, 1927, Marshal Chang Tso-lin's police, assisted 
by guards from the Legation Quarter, which was controlled 
by the American, British, Japanese, French, Dutch, Spanish 
and Portuguese Ministers, raided the offices of the Soviet Em- 
bassy in Peking. Aside from the Chinese charge that the Rus- 
sians were using the Diplomatic Quarter as a center for the 
propagation of communistic ideas, the foreign legations had 
their own grievances against the Russians through the discovery 
of a plot supposedly hatched in the office of the Soviet military 
attache to secure access to the British Embassy compound. 
The Soviet Embassy occupied quarters adjoining the British 
Legation, from which it was separated by a high wall, and it 
was alleged that an entrance was being made through the wall 
from the Soviet side, with the aim of attacking the British 
guards and precipitating an incident. The Soviet Ambassador, 
then home on leave, was L. M. Karakhan, first diplomatic emis- 
sary sent to China by the USSR. A year previously, Marshal 
Chang Tso-lin had demanded Karakhan's recall. 

Large quantities of communist propaganda literature and 
documents were seized in the raid, and several Russians and 


Chinese found on the premises were arrested. The Soviet 
Government denounced the raid as "an unprecedented viola- 
tion of the elementary rules of international law," but Mar- 
shal Chang ignored the protests and circulated to the press and 
the diplomats of the other Powers photographic reproductions 
of documents proving the existence of a widespread plot to 
communize China. The documents also indicated that members 
of the Soviet Embassy's staff were involved in the plot. This 
was a serious matter, as it constituted a violation of the stipula- 
tions of the Peking agreement of 1924 by which the Soviet 
Government bound itself not to disseminate communist propa- 
ganda in China. As a result of the disclosures the Soviet charge 
d'affaires was recalled, and after a brief court-martial the Chi- 
nese ringleaders arrested in the raid were shot. 

Chang Tso-lin's animosity toward the Soviet Russians was 
increased by the discovery of documents showing that the 
Russians were using the revenue and facilities of the Chinese 
Eastern Railway, which crosses North Manchuria, for the pur- 
pose of spreading communism throughout China. Following 
the Bolshevist Revolution in 1917, the Soviet Government 
offered to restore the Chinese Eastern Railway and other Czar- 
ist Russian interests in North Manchuria to Chinese control* 
Later Moscow withdrew this offer, and after the relinquish- 
ment of Allied administration of the railway at the end of 
World War I, the Russians took over complete control of the 
railway. In 1924 the USSR signed an agreement with China 
for the joint control and operation of the railway, but this 
agreement was not carried out, according to the Chinese, who 
alleged that the Russian general manager refused to consult 
with the Chinese co-manager of the board on matters of impor- 
tant policy. 

Recently large numbers of Russkn agents had been sent to 
Harbin under the guise of engineers and railway technicians, 
who were devoting their time and energies to the furtherance 
of communism. Schools operated by the educational depart- 
ment of the railway in Harbin and other cities inside the ten- 


mile-wide railway "zone" were used to disseminate communist 
propaganda in violation of the 1924 agreement 

A further cause of Marshal Chang's animosity was the 
knowledge that his arch enemy Marshal Feng Yu-hsiang was 
receiving both arms and financial supplies from Russia. Mar- 
shal Feng Yu-hsiang, well known Northern military leader, 
formerly affiliated with Marshal Wu Pei-fu in the Anfu Party, 
went to Russia in 1926, and studied military tactics for a year. 
When he returned to China in 1927 he established himself in 
Kansu Province, adjacent to the area now occupied by the 
Chinese Communists. With money and arms supplied by the 
Soviets he built up the so-called Kuominchun or "National" 
Army, and joined the Nationalists at Nanking. Shortly after- 
ward he broke with General Chiang Kai-shek and organized 
a coalition against Nanking. He was defeated by General Chi- 
ang, and after a period of retirement again rejoined the National 
Government. Curiously, the rifles which the Soviets supplied to 
Feng's troops bore the trademark of the Remington Arms Com- 
pany. The rifles had been manufactured in the United States 
for the Czarist forces in World War I and had been taken over 
by the Bolsheviks after the revolution of 1917. 

Although General Chiang Kai-shek had established his 
nationalist capital at Nanking, foreign ministers, including our 
own, were still accredited to the Peking Government and main- 
tained their headquarters there. They were reluctant to give up 
the comfort and protection of the old legation quarters, al- 
though some of the legations had sent unofficial representa- 
tives to Shanghai in order to maintain contact with the new 

After the death of Marshal Chang Tso-lin, in June, 1928, 
his son, the "Young Marshal" Chang Hsueh-liang, took com- 
mand and soon announced his adherence to the new National 
Government at Nanking. The Young Marshal also continued 
the anti-communist activities in North China and Manchuria 
which had been initiated by his father. 


Shortly after he assumed office in Mukden the Young Mar- 
shal learned that the Communist International had called a 
secret regional conference to be held in Harbin, North Man- 
churia, on May 27, 1929. While the meeting was in progress 
the Chinese police staged a raid and arrested some forty Rus- 
sian consular officials and practically the same number of Chi- 
nese Communists from various parts of Manchuria. The Chinese 
also seized two truckloads of papers and documents. Claiming 
that the documents confirmed their suspicions that officials of 
the Chinese Eastern Railway were talcing an active part in 
the propagation of Bolshevist ideas, the Chinese took drastic 

On July 10 they seized the railway, dissolved all Soviet 
unions of railway workers and arrested some 1,200 railway 
officials and union leaders, whom they interned in abandoned 
railway buildings several miles from Harbin. It was the first 
time the Chinese Government had ever acted so energetically 
and decisively against a foreign Power. 

Accompanied by a number of other correspondents, includ- 
ing Wilbur Forrest of the New York Herald Tribune, Jim 
Howe, Associated Press, and William Philip Simms of the 
Scripps-Howard newspapers, I arrived in Harbin about a week 
later. We found that the Chinese had seized the railway tele- 
graph system and all offices of the Soviet Far Eastern Trading 
Corporation, the Naphtha Trust, and the Soviet Mercantile 
Fleet, which was owned and operated by the railway. The 
Mercantile Fleet owned a number qf large paddle-wheel steam- 
ers which operated on the Sungari and Amur rivers, reminis- 
cent of steamboat days on the Mississippi and Missouri rivers. 

The Soviet Government acted with equal energy. Minister 
Karakhan, who had in the meantime been appointed Assistant 
Foreign Minister in Moscow, denounced the Chinese action 
as a "gross violation of treaties" and gave China an ultimatum 
of three days to return a satisfactory answer, failing which 
the Soviet Government threatened "to resort to other means 
for the protection of its lawful rights." 


Fighting soon broke out along the Chinese Eastern Rail- 
way at both the eastern and western borders of Manchuria, 
resulting in heavy casualties to the Chinese forces at the town 
of Manchouli, where some 8,000 Chinese soldiers were killed. 
The Chinese town of Pogranichnaya, at the eastern end of the 
railway, was badly shattered by Soviet artillery fire and air- 
bombs. A Chinese town known as Lahasusu at the mouth of the 
Sungari River, opposite Khabarovsk on the Amur, was bombed 
and burned, and two Chinese gunboats stationed there were 
sunk by Soviet planes. 

The country about the junction of the Sungari and Amur 
rivers interested me very much, as there are numerous vil- 
lages in the vicinity inhabited by some of the most primitive 
races of Northeastern Asia. We visited a village inhabited by 
a tribe of Tatars, most of whose clothing was made from the 
skin of the sturgeon, the fish which also produces the famous 
Russian "black" caviar. This particular tribe was locally known 
as "Fish-skin" Tatars. 

I covered the battle of Lahasusu from the deck of an ancient 
Chinese paddle-wheel steamboat upon which I had traveled 
down the river from Harbin for about 600 miles. I was accom- 
panied on the trip by Paul Wright of the Chicago Daily News, 
and Baron Taube, a Swedish nobleman, who represented Reu- 
ter's. By this time the weather was getting cold and ice had 
begun to form in the river. We wondered whether we would 
be caught by the river ice and captured by the Soviet troops. 
We were anchored at a little river town called Fuchin when 
a courier arrived stating the Russians were coming, after having 
captured and burned Lahasusu the preceding night. The cap- 
tain hurriedly got up steam and we started upstream only five 
hours before the Reds arrived. The Chinese told us that the 
Russians always followed the practice, on capturing a Chinese 
town, of opening all the stores and granaries and distributing 
their contents free to the populace as a "communist" gesture. 
Another boat, carrying Chinese officials, which followed us, 


was badly shot up by Soviet planes. We managed to reach 
Harbin safely, but with the paddle-wheel and rudder of our 
steamer so covered with ice that we had difficulty in moving 
against the current. 

It was while covering this war that I made the acquaintance 
of two important items of attire for Siberian travel. One was 
a blanket, formerly manufactured in Warsaw, Poland, and 
made of sheep and angora wool. It was nearly an inch thick, 
but light and flexible and practically impenetrable by wind, 
snow or rain. I paid $50 for it in a Harbin store. The other 
item was a pair of Siberian boots made by a Russian bootmaker 
in Tientsin. They were made of double-ply leather with a 
layer of camel's hair between, while the inch-thick soles con- 
tained a layer of asbestos. The soles were sewed and wood- 
pegged, as the bootmaker assured us that metal pegs carried 
the cold through the soles to one's feet. The shoes had one 
defect they squeaked to high heaven. This, I was informed, 
was no objection in the eyes of the Russians, as it advertised 
the newness of the shoes. 

The Far Eastern Soviet army invaded Chinese territory for 
about 200 miles at each end of the Chinese Eastern Railway 
and also bombed and occupied most of the Chinese towns along 
the border. But the Russians did not press beyond the Hing- 
han Mountains, due, it was reported, to a warning from the 
Japanese not to advance into their sphere of influence. 

I heard one gruesome story of this warfare from a White 
Russian woman and a boy who ultimately reached Harbin. 
They had belonged to a White Russian community of several 
hundred families, located in the so-called Three Rivers District 
on the Argun River of North Manchuria. This area had been 
developed by Russian Cossacks, who had emigrated with their 
families across the border, following the revolution in 1917. 
The land they occupied was rich and suitable for farming and 
cattle grazing, and the colony prospered through the sale of 
dairy supplies to the large Chinese cities. The Soviet authorities 


in Siberia resented the activities of the White Russians just 
across their border and, after fighting broke out, charged that 
the White Russians with Chinese "Fascist" help were attempting 
an invasion of Siberia. 

Fearing for the safety of their families, the White Russians 
sent their wives and children and all elderly males across country 
in a long wagon train to the railway at the town of Hailar, about 
500 miles west of Harbin. The caravan, accompanied by a 
Russian Orthodox priest, had reached a point about fifty miles 
north of the railway when it was attacked by a force of Red 
Mongolian cavalry, allegedly led by Red army officers. 

The woman and boy to whom I talked and who claimed to 
be the only survivors of this caravan, having escaped into the 
forest, told me that the Mongols had slaughtered every other 
member of the caravan. They then built a vast funeral pyre of 
the wagons and their contents, consisting of firkins of butter and 
large fifty-pound cheeses. Upon this pyre they piled the bodies 
of their victims, with that of the priest at the apex. They ignited 
the pyre and, yelling and shooting their rifles, rode their ponies 
in a wide circle about it as it burned. I could picture the troops 
of Genghis Khan in a similar victory celebration seven cen- 
turies ago. 

After about six months of fighting, mostly of the guerrilla 
variety, the Young Marshal was forced to capitulate and to 
restore the control of the railway to the Soviets, since General 
Chiang Kai-shek was unable to send him reinforcements. Later 
there was a peace conference in Moscow, but it broke up with- 
out reaching an agreement, and the major issues between the 
two countries remain unsettled to this writing. 

Three years later, after the Japanese hail occupied Man- 
churia and Inner Mongolia and were threatening Siberia, Mos- 
cow sold the Chinese Eastern Railway to Japan for approxi- 
mately $50,000,000 about a quarter of its real value. In 1937, 
when it appeared that the Japanese were making more definite 
plans to attack Russia, Moscow offered to join China in a mili- 


tary alliance against Japan, but she withdrew the offer and con- 
ciliated Japan in the face of the approaching war with Germany. 

I had never before seen the vast expanse of North Man- 
churian farm and grazing lands, its forests, and the Sungari- 
Amur river system, which rivals the upper Mississippi and its 
tributaries. I realized that here was an empire worth fighting for, 
and I was not surprised that China's two powerful neighbors had 
had difficulty in keeping their hands off this rich terrain. 

Here was a territory capable of absorbing a considerable 
portion of the excess population of China's congested seaboard 
provinces, a fact which was well known to the Chinese peasants 
of Hopei and Shantung provinces south of the Great Wall, who 
for a number of years had been migrating to Manchuria at the 
rate of more than a million a year. The Governor of Heilung- 
kiang, the most northern Manchurian province, told me that 
Chinese farmers who arrived in North Manchuria completely 
destitute were usually able in less than ten years to purchase 
their farms outright and to refund loans advanced to them for 
the purchase of farm machinery. In a motor-car ride across the 
plain from Anganchi Station on the Chinese Eastern Railway to 
Tsitsihar, capital of the province, a distance of forty miles, I 
was constantly reminded of the fertile farm lands and the deep 
black soil of northern Missouri, Illinois, and Iowa. I was told by 
George Hanson, United States Consul-General at Harbin, that 
in his opinion Manchuria and Inner Mongolia could produce 
enough corn, wheat, soya beans and live stock to feed most of 
the people of East Asia. In order to participate in the expected 
agricultural development of this region, a large American manu- 
facturer of farm machinery had already established a branch in 
Harbin. It was the only section of the Chinese Republic where 
heavy farm machinery could be used. 

The city of Harbin, metropolis of North Manchuria, was 
established at the time when Czar Nicholas II was extending 
the Trans-Siberian Railway system through the mountains and 


forests of eastern Siberia and Manchuria to the Sea of Japan. In 
1929 it could not equal the commercial and industrial develop- 
ment of the Europeanized China ports, but in many respects it 
seemed to me one of the most interesting cities in China. It re- 
sembled in many ways the earlier frontier cities of our own 
Northwest. The outfitting of hunters and trappers was a chief 
business. There were more fur stores than any other type of 
retail business, and it was possible to purchase any kind of fur 
there from Mongolian squirrel and silver fox to Russian sable, 
Siberian bear, or Korean tiger. In a small town near Harbin I 
saw a large compound or enclosure filled with Mongolian dogs, 
large shaggy canines with long silky black hair. I asked the 
Russian kennel man why the dogs were being kept in the en- 
closure. He replied in halting English, "Sell skins New York 
$50 one piece." I later learned that the Mongols were super- 
stitious about their dogs, believing that they harbored the spirits 
of dead-and-gone ancestors, and hence would not kill them. 
The Russians, however, had no compunctions about raising 
them for the American market. I wondered what transformation 
these Mongolian dog skins passed through before they reached 
Fifth Avenue, and also what became of the spirits of past Mon- 
golians who may have inhabited the original wearers of these 

One observed many Mongols, descendants of the followers 
of the great Genghis and Kublai Khans, on the streets of Har- 
bin and in the towns along the railway. These men of the Gobi, 
whose forebears once ruled from the China Sea to the Danube, 
are probably still the world's best horsemen and also the clever- 
est horse traders. No words are spoken when horse trading is in 
progress at their periodic fairs. The buyer and seller face each 
other and each slides his hand into the other's sleeve. The buyer 
indicates the price he is willing to pay by pressing his fingers 
against the seller's forearm; the seller indicates approval or 
disapproval by pressure of his fingers on the buyer's other arm. 
After much nodding and shaking of heads, the two principals 
finally reach a bargain. The advantage of this method of bar- 


gaining is that others standing by have no way of knowing what 
price has been agreed upon. 

The Mongols are fond of horse racing with their little 
Mongolian ponies, which resemble somewhat our mustangs of 
an earlier age. But one can never see both the start and the finish 
of a Mongolian horse race, because their race tracks stretch 
straight across the prairie. The Mongols line up their ponies, 
place their bets, and at a signal are off in the distance in a cloud 
of dust. 

There are today only about a half million Mongols, most of 
them nomads, scattered over a territory about four times the 
size of Texas. Before the Japanese invasion of Manchuria and 
Inner Mongolia in 1931, the Mongols were about evenly divided 
between those giving grudging loyalty to China and those under 
Soviet rule. Now the Japanese have taken over Inner Mongolia 
and have added to it a considerable portion of western Man- 
churia where many Mongols feed their herds of cattle, horses 
and sheep. 

Practically everything in Mongolia is linked traditionally 
with the "Great Ruler of All Men," Genghis Khan. This is true 
of a series of springs lying in symmetrical fashion on the oppo- 
site slopes of two hills several miles from Harbin to which, ac- 
cording to Mongolian folklore, the great Genghis often came. 
The water from the springs flows down the slopes of the two 
hills and converges in a main stream in such manner as to re- 
semble, in the minds of the superstitious Mongols, the brain, 
spinal cord, and nervous system of the human body. The water 
in the different springs varies from boiling hot to tepid and is 
strongly impregnated with minerals from the volcanic rock 
through which it flows on its way to the surface. The Mongols 
and Russian peasants regard the waters from the springs as hav- 
ing miraculous healing powers, but believe that the uninitiated 
must exercise great care in using them and obtain the expert 
advice of the local medicine man. For example, the waters from 
two springs on opposite sides of the valley are infallible cures 
for eye ailments, with which the Mongols are widely afflicted. 


But one must be careful to use the water from the spring on the 
right side of the valley for diseases of the right eye, and from 
the spring on the left side for treatment of the left eye. This 
treatment consists of pouring the water, which is nearly at the 
boiling point, from a rusty tin kettle directly into the infected 
eye. It usually is necessary for the patient to be held firmly on 
his back on the ground by two assistants, while a third pours 
the water from the kettle, which is held several feet above the 
patient. Practically all of the springs have pools walled with 
rough stones in which those receiving treatment sit and soak 'by 
the hour usually unencumbered by clothing and with no 
segregation of the sexes. 

Harbin, ixi 1929, had a population of somewhat more than 
a half million, about equally divided between Russians and 
Chinese. Unlike the China coast ports, where Chinese and for- 
eigners live together in the foreign settlements, in Harbin the 
Chinese lived in one section, the old Chinese city near the river, 
while the Russians lived in "New Town," which the Czar's city 
planners had laid out with wide streets and ample parks. The 
city had changed little since the days of the Czar, as the Rus- 
sian community was predominantly "White," despite the influx 
of Soviet agents in connection with the Chinese Eastern Rail- 
way. It was literally a city of Russian Orthodox churches. I 
was surprised to discover, however, that there was also a com- 
munity of Russian Protestants, Baptists and Methodists. The 
Baptist pastor was the Reverend Charles Leonard of South Caro- 
lina, whose wife was famous in the community for her fried 
chicken, Southern style, and genuine Dixie corn pone. The 
Reverend Leonard had formerly been stationed in Shantung, 
but had followed his Chinese communicants when they emi- 
grated to North Manchuria. There was a flourishing American 
Y.M.C.A. in Harbin, which had formerly been located in St. 
Petersburg but had withdrawn to Harbin following the revo- 

There was also a large, prosperous community of Russian 


Jews, who dominated the retail business of the city, particularly 
the flourishing fur trade. Most of them had emigrated from 
Russia during the revolution of 1917. 

Many White Russians, in view of the unstable political 
situation, had incorporated their businesses under the laws of 
Delaware and flew the American flag. This caused the American 
Consul many sleepless nights, because these pseudo-American 
firms, which had little or no American capital, were constantly 
demanding American protection from excessive Chinese taxes. 

There were probably 350,000 White Russians living in Har- 
bin and other Manchurian towns along the railway, and in 
general they continued to lead the life which they had known 
before the 1917 revolution. There was no curfew, and a half 
dozen cabarets with dozens of Russian girl dancers and enter- 
tainers all "princesses" kept open till daylight. Harbin also 
had its quota of gypsy entertainers. The leading hotel, the 
Moderne, was the social center for the more prosperous Russians 
and the foreign community. It was owned by a Russian emigree, 
who superstitiously believed that he would go bankrupt unless 
he rebuilt a portion of the building each year. As a result, there 
were always carpenters and stone masons at work somewhere 
on the premises, much to the annoyance and inconvenience of 
the guests. 


"Real" Start of World War II 

WE FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS and newspapermen stationed in 
China were less surprised than the rest of the world when "all 
hell broke loose" in Manchuria in 1931. The world was told by 
Japanese spokesmen and propagandists that Japan's invasion of 
the Chinese northeastern provinces, and her subsequent military 
occupation of some 365,000 square miles of Chinese domain, 
had been precipitated by an attack on the Japanese-owned South 
Manchuria Railway by soldiers wearing the uniform of the 
Chinese Government. But the Japanese people at home had been 
prepared for developments by the circulation of an entirely 
different story. 

Early in July, 1931, about two months before the Mukden 
affair, the Japanese newspapers carried sensational reports of the 
murder of a Japanese army officer, a Captain Nakamura, at an 
undisclosed point in Inner-Mongolia, an extensive area controlled 
by China and extending from the western border of Manchuria 
to Outer Mongolia, where Soviet Russia was dominant for sev- 
eral years. The Japanese had long had their eyes on Inner- 
Mongolia, as it was valuable grazing land and supplied North 
China with beef and mutton and their by-products, hides and 
wool. It was also a source of valuable furs. What Captain 
Nakamura was doing in Mongolia was never officially explained, 
but an account of the incident published in the Japan Chronicle, 
a British-owned and -edited paper at Kobe, stated that Captain 
Nakamura was accompanied by another Japanese army officer, a 
sergeant-major, whose name was not given, and also by a White 
Russian and a Mongolian guide. The passport which was issued 



to Captain Nakamnra by the Chinese authorities at Mukden 
described him as an "educationalist engaged in historical and 
geographical studies." The captain carried with him a large sum 
of money, said to have amounted to 100,000 yen, or about $50,- 
ooo in United States currency. The Japanese press, under mili- 
tary inspiration, stirred up a tremendous commotion over the 
murder of Captain Nakamura and charged a lack of sincerity on 
the part of the Chinese in their efforts to apprehend the mur- 
derer. China's investigation, as reported in the Chinese papers, 
alleged that the Japanese party, headed by Captain Nakamura, 
had been engaged on a mysterious mission along the border of 
Soviet-controlled Outer Mongolia, and that Captain Nakamura 
had in his possession a large quantity of heroin, a drug for which 
the Mongols have an inordinate desire. Fearing more serious 
complications, the Chinese authorities in Manchuria hastily ex- 
pressed official regret and offered to pay an indemnity for the 
death of the Japanese captain. But the Japanese army rejected 
the Chinese offer, and the excitement mounted. We who had 
been following carefully the accounts of the Nakamura case 
in newspapers were therefore not surprised when the real storm 
broke at Mukden on the night of September 18, 1931. 

But there was another important group which was not pre- 
pared, namely, the Institute of Pacific Relations. The Institute 
is made up of groups from various nations who spend their time 
between conferences in making investigations of special subjects 
which are likely to cause complications between nations and thus 
lead to war. The biennial conferences are not open to the public 
or press, but carefully censored reports of the various delega- 
tions attending the biennial meetings are published and now 
make up an extensive library. National groups participating in 
the Institute include Americans, Britons, Frenchmen, Canadians, 
Australians, New Zealanders, Russians, Chinese, and (before 
Pearl Harbor) the Japanese. The Institute among other things 
had been engaged for two years in compiling reports and docu- 
ments pertaining to the crisis in the relations of China and Japan, 


and all was in readiness for the biennial conference of the or- 
ganization, which was scheduled to meet in Shanghai in the fall 
of 1931. A large staff under a director was sent to Shanghai 
to prepare the ground for the conference. At a tea and reception 
which the American committee gave for the local Shanghai press, 
the director introduced the members of his group, most of whom 
were graduate students of Columbia University, as experts in 
various phases of international relations. The work of the Insti- 
tute is financed by private contributions, chiefly from the 
large foundations in New York which are interested in promot- 
ing the study of international affairs. 

Chester Rowell, well known San Francisco editor and pub- 
licist, was also sent to Shanghai with a staff of secretaries to make 
preparations for the meeting, which was to be held in the Cathay 
Hotel in the International Settlement. Mr. Rowell also gave a 
dinner for the local press which was attended by some fifty 
editors and correspondents. In his address, following the dinner, 
Mr. Rowell explained the objectives of the Institute. He said that 
national groups composed of key men and women had been 
formed in various countries about the Pacific to study particular 
questions of international concern so that in the event of com- 
plications arising between any of the countries the Institute 
would have a body of experts available who were familiar with 
the situation and who could immediately go into action and 
bring pressure on their respective governments to maintain a 
peaceful attitude until the particular problem could be adjusted 
peacefully. In this manner, Mr. Rowell carefully explained, the 
Institute planned to prevent the outbreak of another major war, 
at least so far as the nations of the Pacific were concerned. 

When Mr. Rowell had finished his address, he invited the 
newspapermen to ask questions. Since I had been following the 
reports from Manchuria rather carefully and realized the seri- 
ousness of the growing crisis there, I asked him the only logical 
question: "What will the Institute do if China and Japan are at 
war when the conference assembles?" For once, Mr. Rowell, 
long rated as the best after-dinner speaker on the West Coast, 


was stumped for a reply. After some thought he exclaimed, 
"Well, war ends everything," and sat down. 

That remark was prophetic; By the time the conference of 
the Institute opened, in late September, at Shanghai, the Man- 
churian incident had occurred, and Japanese troops were in 
occupation of Mukden, the capital of Manchuria, and were in 
bloody conflict with the Chinese at several points in Chinese 
territory. At the opening session of the convention, Chinese and 
Japanese delegates sprang at each other and it was necessary to 
adjourn the meeting to Hongchow, a city where a more peaceful 
atmosphere prevailed. Although the press is always excluded 
from the meetings of the Institute, this particular row leaked 
out and received wide publicity. 

The first reaction of the Powers to the Manchurian incident, 
following the futile American protest, was to send their military 
observers to the scene to make an investigation and report. 
America sent four, two from the Embassy at Tokyo and two 
from the Legation at Peiping.* Britain sent three military ob- 
servers, France two, Italy one, and the Assembly of the League 
of Nations, then headed by a representative of the Spanish 
Republican Government, also sent an observer, the Spanish 
Consul-General at Shanghai, Sefior Farrar, who had previously 
served as a colonial official in Spanish Africa. Newspaper cor- 
respondents, representing leading papers and press associations 
in the United States, Great Britain, France, and other countries, 
who were stationed in the Far East also flocked to Mukden to 
cover a story which all seemed to recognize instinctively as one 
of tremendous importance. There were also at Mukden the 
regular consular staffs of the United States and Great Britain, 
and some two hundred foreign residents who were engaged in 
business in the Manchurian capital. 

Tokyo's nervousness over the action of the so-called "Kwan- 
tung" faction in the Imperial Japanese Army which had per- 
petrated the Manchurian "incident" led to the belief on the part 
of many correspondents in Manchuria that a vigorous protest 

* In 1928 the name of Peking was changed to Peiping. 


by the Washington Conference Powers, or even by the United 
States alone, would have caused the Japanese to withdraw. It 
was known that there was a strong faction in Tokyo which was 
opposed to the army's action, and there was indisputable evi- 
dence of Tokyo's indecision in connection with the Japanese 
army's ludicrous action concerning the occupation of Chin- 
chow, important Chinese town and railway junction point 
marking the division of territory between the three northeastern 
provinces, or Manchuria, and China proper, south of the Great 
Wall. When the Powers realized that the Japanese had com- 
mitted themselves too far to be recalled from a general invasion 
of Manchuria, they set about devising means to prevent the in- 
vasion from spreading into the vicinity of the Great Wall, 
which included the province of Jehol to the north of Peiping 
and the towns of Chinchow and Shanhaikwan in the vicinity of 
the eastern end of the Great Wall. The Japanese were, therefore, 
pressed not to extend their military activities into this area. 

The Japanese Ambassador in Washington, acting supposedly 
with the authority of his Government, promised that Chinchow 
would be neither bombed nor occupied. In order to see that the 
agreement was observed the United States, Great Britain, 
France, and Germany (Germany was then on the side of law 
and order in the Orient) sent their respective military attaches 
to Chinchow, where they were quartered in a Chinese school, 
only a few hundred yards from the railway station. 

A few days later the world was electrified by a report that 
"Chinchow has been bombed, despite the promise of the Japa- 
nese Government." General Honjo's headquarters at Mukden 
immediately denied the report, but became silent when a Swiss 
correspondent, Walter Bosshard, who represented the liberal 
Ullstein Press of Germany, made a trip to Chinchow and 
brought back with him a large collection of scraps of Japanese 
shrapnel shells which he had picked up in the Chinchow railway 
yards. When he dumped the shrapnel fragments on the table 
before the Japanese army spokesman, that worthy nearly had a 
heart attack; he adjourned the press conference. That night 


Major Watari, the army spokesman, staged a geisha party for 
the correspondents, in which he consumed so many whiskey- 
sodas that he told the "whole inside story" of the bombing of 
Chinchow. He said that the army staff, made up of older gen- 
erals at Honjo's headquarters, had received instructions from 
Tokyo not to interfere with Chinchow. But the younger officers 
would not listen, and staged a secret meeting at the private 
home of Major Watari, the army spokesman, where the bomb- 
ing of Chinchow was framed. 

I was among the group of correspondents invited to Major 
Watari's home that night. As we sat about a small table in the 
living room, Major Watari tapped on the table, a flimsy wooden 
affair about a foot square, and exclaimed dramatically, "This is 
a historic table; we sat around this table when we framed the 
bombing of Chinchow last night." After the die was cast the 
army "had" to send a force to Chinchow to occupy the place. 
The army dispatched a large force from Mukden over the 
Peiping-Mukden Railway, but the troops had proceeded only 
about half way when they were suddenly withdrawn. The rea- 
son for the withdrawal was a statement by the President of the 
United States at the White House press conference that the 
Japanese army "had run amok." The Japanese seriously believed 
at that time the United States meant business, but when they 
discovered that we were only bluffing again, they proceeded 
with their program. 

I had been covering the war from the Mukden end, but now 
decided to take advantage of the lull incidental to the with- 
drawal of the Japanese army to make the trip to Chinchow for a 
first-hand inspection of the situation. I arrived at Chinchow a 
few days before Christinas, 1931, and found that all the military 
attaches except the American and British had cleared out. I also 
observed several bomb craters on the campus of the Chinese 
school where the League of Nations observers had their head- 
quarters. The bomb craters showed that the Japanese had not 
only bombed the railway yards but had also tried to bomb the 


headquarters of the League of Nations Mission, composed of 
military observers, which was stationed there. 

Early one morning between Christmas and New Year 1 
visited the railway telegraph office to file a message, and found 
the operators unscrewing their instruments from the bench, a 
sure sign of impending evacuation. One of the men excitedly 
explained that "Japanese come soon." I hurried back to the head- 
quarters with the news. A young American army intelligence 
officer, Lieutenant Aldrich, who commandeered an engine and 
went up the line to investigate, was taken prisoner by the Japa- 
nese and held for several hours. I caught the last train out of 
Chinchow, which was loaded with evacuating Chinese railway 
and civil officials. Most of the Chinese army had already with- 
drawn. I stopped over in the little border town of Shanhaikwan, 
where the ancient Great Wall of China comes down to the sea, 
and observed the Chinese army of Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang 
pass through the Great Wall from Manchuria into China proper, 
thus marking the end of Chinese authority in the northeastern 
provinces. A dispatch I sent, describing the final evacuation of 
Manchuria, was suppressed by the Chinese commander at 

It was five years before the Japanese were ready to extend 
their conquest into China proper, south of the Great Wall 
five years of futile haggling and inactivity on. the part of the 
Western Powers, while Japan, now in alliance with Germany, 
proceeded with her ambitious plans for Oriental and world 

The Manchurian war and growing unrest in the Far East 
brought to the attention of American newspaper readers the 
dispatches of a new group of correspondents, whose names 
heretofore had been unfamiliar, as they had not been sta- 
tioned in Europe. Among them were several who later came 
to be rated as experts on Far Eastern affairs, including Edgar 
Snow, who represented the London Daily Herald; Victor 
Keen, New York Herald Tribune; Reginald Sweetland, Chicago 


Daily News; Edward Hunter and John Goette, International 
News; Glen Babb and Morris Harris, Associated Press; Frank 
Oliver, Reuter's Service; Hallett Abend, New York Times; 
John Morris, United Press; I represented the Manchester 
Guardian and Chicago Tribune. Later, when the situation grew 
more serious, the United Press sent Frederick Kuh' from Berlin 
and International News sent Floyd Gibbons. 

The situation was enlivened by the arrival of Will Rogers, 
who worried the Japanese censors with his daily fifty-word 
syndicated wisecracks, which were directed chiefly at the Japa- 
nese. One particular message was delayed several hours while 
the Japanese censor took it around to various Americans in 
Mukden for an explanation. It read as follows: "I have just 
heard that the League of Nations has decided to send a mission 
to Mukden to investigate the Manchurian Incident. It reminds 
me of a familiar scene in early days in Oklahoma when the 
sheriff arrived to inspect the stable after the horse had been 
stolen." It required considerable diagramming before the Japa- 
nese military censors and staff officers could understand that! 

With regard to the Manchurian incident itself, we corre- 
spondents found plenty of evidence as to what had occurred. 
Japanese troops, previously stationed within the zone of the 
Japanese-owned South Manchurian Railway and in Korea, were 
in occupation of the Manchurian capital. When we arrived, 
the press representative of the Japanese military headquarters, 
Major Watari, who spoke English with an Oxford accent, ex- 
plained that "there had been an incident Chinese soldiers wear- 
ing the regulation uniform of Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang, head 
of the Chinese administration in the three northeastern Chinese 
provinces [Manchuria], had blown up a section of track of the 
Japanese railway on the outskirts of Mukden the Japanese 
army was forced to take action against the Chinese troops in the 
vicinity of Mukden." In order that we might see exactly what 
had taken place Major Watari escorted us to the "scene of the 
crime," a section of track of the Japanese-owned South Man- 
churia Railway a few miles from Mukden. 


There we and the military observers were shown the bodies 
of three Chinese soldiers lying alongside the track where, al- 
legedly, they had been shot while running away from the place 
"where they had set off a charge of dynamite which had shat- 
tered three cross-ties and blown away a section of the rail on 
the outside of a curve." The damage had of course been re- 
paired, Major Watari explained, as he pointed to three new 
ties and a new rail which had been placed in position. He also 
called attention to the fact that the position of the bodies of the 
dead Chinese soldiers indicated that they had been running away 
when killed. One small circumstance, however, was overlooked 
by Major Watari: there were no blood-stains on the ground 
where the bodies were lying. Since the Japanese had made a 
surprise attack on the Chinese garrison in the vicinity at the 
same time, it had been comparatively easy to produce the bodies. 
In order to overcome scepticism the Japanese military, some 
days later, produced a list of some three hundred cases of alleged 
Chinese infringements on Japanese "rights" in Manchuria. 

Later when the League of Nations sent an international com*- 
mission under Lord Lytton to investigate Japan's seizure of the 
Chinese provinces, an American expert, Ben Dorfman, who was 
connected with the mission, checked the train schedule and 
found that an express train, traveling at approximately fifty miles 
an hour, had passed over the scene of the alleged explosion within 
twenty minutes after the time when the Japanese army authori- 
ties said it had occurred. When faced with this evidence the 
Japanese army produced a brakeman from the train crew who 
testified he had "felt a slight jar" when the train passed over 
this point. But the army carefully preserved the three shattered 
ties and some three or four feet of twisted rail and a bent fish- 
plate, which were on exhibition for several weeks in the Mukden 
office of General Honjo, Commander-in-Chief of the Japanese 
forces in Kwantung. One wondered why the Japanese army 
went to such pains to justify its seizure of this Chinese territory 
when their larger activities and objectives were so obvious. 

There was further evidence in Mukden which indicated the 


Japanese methods used in seizing the capital city of Manchuria. 
In searching through the files of Japanese photograph shops I 
found a large collection of pictures showing Japanese in plain 
clothes bearing rifles and wearing arm bands. Foreign business- 
men testified that Mukden had been over-run for several days 
prior to September 18, 1931, by large groups of Japanese 
"tourists" wearing civilian clothes. The Japanese army had 
smuggled thousands of camouflaged soldiers into the city in 
readiness for the prearranged signal to occupy all strategic 
places which they carried out according to plan at about 10 
o'clock on the night of September 1 8, 1931. It is well to keep 
this date in mind, as it was the real beginning of World War II. 

I wrote a story about Japan's occupation of Mukden by an 
army in plain clothes which I illustrated with the pictures I had 
picked up in the Mukden shop. Within a few hours following its 
publication in my paper in Shanghai, Japanese army representa- 
tives searched all shops in Mukden and confiscated all pictures 
showing "plain-clothes" soldiers. 

An analysis of Japan's technique in seizing the Manchurian 
provinces shows that Hitler was an imitator rather than the 
originator of this particular method of stealing other people's 
territory. Japan claimed that the action at Mukden was pro- 
voked by the hostile act of a body of Chinese troops, but long 
before the "incident" occurred, Mukden was filled with Japa- 
nese troops in plain clothes; and further evidence showed that 
trains carrying large bodies of Japanese troops in uniform had 
already crossed the Korean border into Manchuria several hours 
before the Mukden incident occurred. 

The Japanese also had a battery of field guns of the howitzer 
type mounted on concrete foundations in Mukden and long held 
in readiness for the attack. The guns were located in a closely 
guarded Japanese compound and were covered with large barn- 
like structures with corrugated iron roofs. The guns were 
trained on the Mukden arsenal The Chinese claimed the guns 
had been smuggled in many months before in packing cases 


labeled "mining machinery." On the day following the occupa- 
tion an American acquaintance of mine, a businessman named 
Kendall Graham, who resided in the neighborhood, observed 
that the ends had been knocked out of the "barns" and most of 
the corrugated roofs had been blown off by the concussion of 
the guns. My friend, who was connected with an American oil 
company, took me around to see these guns when I arrived 
in Mukden. 

It was in connection with Japan's campaign in Manchuria 
that the world first began to hear stories of Japanese atrocities, 
but generally they were disbelieved. We received frequent re- 
ports of Japanese wiping out entire villages which were sus- 
pected of harboring guerrillas, and the representative of the 
League of Nations, Sefior Farrar, kept a record of these reports 
and telegraphed a full account to Geneva. An account of one 
atrocity which I myself investigated and filed was denied by 
the Japanese Consul-General in Chicago. He disputed my figures 
that 3,000 Chinese villagers had been massacred, and said there 
had been no massacre, "because only three hundred had been 
killed; 5 

The Japanese had a staff of American and British propa- 
gandists, headed by an Irishman, George Gorman, and an 
American, Henry Kinney, who were on the job disputing all 
correspondents' stories of which the Japanese disapproved. 
Kinney, a former resident of Honolulu, who was married to a 
Japanese woman, had long served as publicity agent for the 
South Manchuria Railway. Gorman had served as editor of 
Japanese propaganda papers in Peiping and elsewhere. Gorman's 
nominal job was that of correspondent for the London Daily 
Telegraph, which got him into all of the press conferences, but 
his main job seemed to be that of apologist for the Japanese 

Russia., China, and Japan 

IT is APPARENTLY not generally known that Soviet Russia was 
willing, in 1932, to enter into an agreement with the United 
States and China for the purpose of preventing Japanese ex- 
pansion on the continent of Asia whereby in the event of war 
between Japan and any one of the three Powers, the other two 
were to come to the rescue of the victim of Japanese aggression. 

The proposed agreement was discussed informally by Rus- 
sian, American, and Chinese delegates at Geneva when the 
League of Nations was considering the Manchurian question. 
The chief Soviet delegate was Maxim Litvinoff, Foreign Com- 
missar, and the Chinese delegation was composed of Dr. W. W. 
Yen, Dr. Wellington Koo and Quo Tai-chi. 

Since America at that time had no diplomatic relations with 
the Soviet Union, the attitude of the United States Government 
toward the proposal was not expressed. But the discussions be- 
tween China and Russia resulted in two significant develop- 
ments. The first was that the two governments agreed immedi- 
ately to resume diplomatic relations, which had been in abeyance 
since 1927, when Chiang Kai-shek broke off relations with the 
Soviets because of Russia's propagation of communism in China. 
The second result of the informal conversations between Ameri- 
can and Russian delegates at Geneva concerning their interests 
in the Far East was that they paved the way for a resumption 
of relations between the United States and Russia. 

It is idle to speculate on what might or might not have hap- 
pened if certain actions had or had not been taken on specific 
occasions in the past. Whether the proposed agreement between 
America, Russia, and China would have stopped Japan can only 



be guessed at, but if it had succeeded, it might have caused other 
nations with ambitions similar to those of Japan to hesitate be- 
fore embarking on their subsequent adventures. 

The disclosures concerning the proposed agreement were 
contained in a manuscript written by Thomas F. F. Millard and 
entitled "The Watch on the Pacific," but never published. Mr. 
Millard was present at the Geneva meeting as an adviser to the 
Chinese delegation to the League of Nations. 

The fact that, as stated above, Russia and China particu- 
larly Russia were willing, in 1932, to join with the United 
States in a tripartite pact to block Japan is of tremendous interest 
in World War II, because of Russia's position of neutrality in the 
first four years of the war in the Pacific, involving Russia's 
partners, the United States, Britain, and China. That Russia's 
neutrality constituted America's most serious handicap in our 
war with Japan is generally recognized. The Soviet Govern- 
ment, in April, 1945, served notice on Japan of its intention to 
abrogate the neutrality treaty upon its expiration in April, 1946. 

According to Mr. Millard's disclosures, the purpose of the 
proposed agreement, as stated in the preamble, was a to preserve 
peace in the Far East and establish and maintain political and 
economic stability in the Far East and the Western Pacific." 
The text provided that if any of the territorial possessions of 
America, Russia, or China, or their commercial and property 
rights within the region covered by the agreement or the po- 
litical rights and safety of their citizens residing in these regions, 
were invaded or encroached upon by any Power outside of the 
agreement, the signatory Powers would consult about measures 
to be taken to preserve the status quo. 

In addition to the main agreement providing for common 
action in the Far East and the Western Pacific, provision was 
made jfor three supplementary agreements to come into effect 
automatically in the event of an outbreak of war with Japan. 
The first of these, between the United States and Russia, pro- 
vided that each should respect the existing territory of the other, 
and that of China as well, unless otherwise agreed upon with 


China's consent. Upon the satisfactory conclusion of the war 
certain readjustments of territories held by Japan were to be 
made. The southern half of Sakhalin Island was to be returned 
to Russia. An equitable readjustment of Russia's railway interests 
in Manchuria was to be made. The islands in the Pacific man- 
dated to Japan at the Versailles Conference were to be at the 
disposition of the United States Government. Any arrangements 
in regard to the Philippines agreed upon by the United States 
and the Philippines Government were to be respected. And 
finally, the territory of Japan proper was to remain intact, 
provided Japan agreed to a satisfactory limitation of her naval 

In the proposed agreement between the United States and 
China, each country was to respect the territorial and political 
independence of the other. The United States would support 
China in abolishing special privileges and concessions within 
her borders as well as all agreements with Japan which impaired 
or infringed on China's sovereignty. The United States would 
supply China with military and naval advisers to assist in organ- 
izing China's military forces, and would supply aviation and 
other military experts together with munitions, supplies, and 
the financial assistance necessary to prosecute the war against 
Japan. China would agree to cooperate in all ways, including 
the use of China's ports for United States naval bases. She 
would also respect in the peace terms the territorial allocations 
agreed upon in the pact between the United States and Russia. 

China and Russia would come to an equitable agreement be- 
tween themselves on all matters in which the United States was 
not directly interested, but such agreements were not to qualify 
or contradict the terms of the United States pacts with Russia 
and China. 

A memorandum embodying the proposed U.SA.-Russia- 
China pact which was submitted to the State, War, and Navy 
departments expressed the opinion that the agreement would 
checkmate any schemes of the Japanese military party to con- 
quer China or take Russian territory in the Far East. It was 


thought that the Japanese militarists would scarcely dare to chal- 
lenge such a combination. 

The reason the British Government was not included in the 
tentative agreement was two-fold. First, it was not thought at 
that time that Japan's program included an invasion of the South- 
west Pacific, where Britain's colonial sphere existed; and sec- 
ondly, Great Britain, when approached, raised objections to 
certain phases of the proposed pact which she thought might 
adversely affect certain efforts on her part to bring pressure on 
Japan through the League of Nations, which had the Man- 
churian question under consideration at the time. 

One of the Soviet delegates at Geneva also proposed that 
China should recognize Russian sovereignty in Outer Mongolia 
and cede to Russia all Manchurian territory north of the Chinese 
Eastern Railway. This would give the Russians a short cut to 
the sea at Vladivostok and would permit Russia to develop 
nearby Poset Bay at the junction of eastern Siberia, Manchuria, 
and Korea, which is free from ice in winter. The section of 
North Manchuria referred to, sparsely populated except by 
Russian emigrants, had always been regarded as a Russian sphere 
of influence in Manchuria. 

It was obvious that Russia could not remain undisturbed in 
the face of military activities in Manchuria, which by 1932-33 
had reached the northern and western borders of Manchuria and 
were being extended into Inner Mongolia, which flanked Soviet- 
controlled Outer Mongolia on the east and south. 

The Japanese did not conceal their animosities toward the 
Soviet Union and its citizens resident in North Manchuria. 
Russian Jews residing within the zone of the Chinese Eastern 
Railway, many of whom had Soviet citizenship certificates, were 
singled out for special attention of kidnapers in the pay of the 
Japanese gendarmerie. The most notorious case was that of 
Simeon Kaspe, son of Joseph Kaspe, owner of hotels, moving- 
picture houses, and a jewelry store in Harbin. The elder Kaspe 
had served as a cavalry officer in the Russian army in the Russo- 


Japanese War, and afterward settled in Harbin. He prospered 
and sent his children to Paris for their educations. The youngest 
son, Simeon, became a talented pianist, and while in Paris 
adopted French citizenship. He was well known in the Far East, 
and had given recitals in Tokyo, Shanghai, and Manila. In 1933, 
after the Japanese occupied North Manchuria, young Kaspe 
was kidnaped by a gang of White Russian bandits in the pay 
of the Japanese gendarmerie. The leader of the gang was a 
White Russian named Radzoyevsky, who was head of a so- 
called "Fascist Club" in Harbin, which cooperated with the 
Japanese. The kidnaping plot was organized by the secretary- 
interpreter of the gendarmerie, a Japanese named Nakamura, 
who was assisted by a White Russian named Martinoff , who was 
connected with the Harbin police department. After young 
Kaspe was kidnaped and taken to a secret hiding place on the 
outskirts of Harbin, a letter was sent to the father demanding 
a ransom of $300,000. The father countered with an offer of 
a smaller amount, and notified the French Consul-General. 

The French Vice-Consul, M. Chambon, demanded young 
Kaspe's release and presented the Japanese consular authorities 
with indisputable evidence of the connivance of the Japanese 
gendarmerie in the kidnaping plot. The White Russian fascist 
papers in Harbin, under Japanese inspiration, immediately 
started a campaign against the French consular official, calling 
him a "communist Jew." The Japanese authorities procrastinated 
and did nothing to apprehend the kidnapers, who, fearing com- 
plications, reduced their ransom demand. In previous kidnaping 
cases the payment of ransoms had not always resulted in the 
release of victims, and often had merely led to further demands 
for money. Hence, upon the advice of the French Vice-Consul, 
the elder Kaspe refused to pay the ransom whereupon the 
bandits cut off their victim's ears and sent them to the bereaved 
parent. After holding and torturing young Kaspe for ninety-five 
days the bandits shot Mm. 

The case aroused such widespread indignation among the 
people of Harbin that almost the entire community, including 


Russians, Chinese, and Koreans, turned out for the funeral, the 
largest ever held in that city. The case received so much pub- 
licity in the Far Eastern press that the Tokyo Government, 
under French pressure, ordered the arrest of the six White 
Russian criminals who were involved in the kidnaping plot. 

Since the Japanese had just occupied the district, the Chinese 
judicial authorities were still functioning in Harbin, which was 
within the railway zone. Despite attempts to intimidate the 
court through attacks published in the fascist papers, the Chi- 
nese court courageously found the six White Russian bandits 
guilty and sentenced four of them to death and two to life 
imprisonment. Harbin rejoiced at the verdict; but the rejoicing 
was short-lived. The head of the Japanese gendarmerie inter- 
vened, had the presiding Chinese judge arrested and ordered 
the sentences set aside. Six months later a special panel of three 
Japanese judges dismissed the case and ordered the criminals 
released, on the ground that they had "acted from patriotic 
motives." The Japanese-controlled fascist paper, published in 
the Russian language, commenting on the verdict, described the 
kidnapers as "honest and excellent citizens, real Russian patriots, 
who acted not from motives of personal gain, but purely for 
the purpose of obtaining funds for anti-communist organizations 
to continue their fight against Bolshevism." 

Two papers run by Britons in Harbin, the Harbin Herald, 
edited by Lenox Simpson, and the Harbin Observer, edited by 
B. Hayton Fleet, which criticized the Japanese court action, 
were confiscated by the Japanese authorities, and the editors 
were expelled from Manchuria. 

The reign of terror which followed the Japanese occupation 
spread all over Manchuria and was accompanied by wholesale 
kidnapings of Russian Jews and Chinese. The Russian Jews were 
invariably charged with communistic activities and membership 
in the Third International. 

Japanese animosities against the Soviet Union were further 
increased by the action of the Soviet authorities in permitting 
a Chinese general and his army to "escape" from Manchuria, 


with their arms, into Soviet territory and later to re-enter Chi- 
nese territory in Sinkiang, far to the northwest. The Chinese 
general in question was a picturesque figure named Ma Chan- 
shan. General Ma had first held up and defeated the vanguard 
of the Japanese invaders at the Nonni River, on the southern 
border of the Russian sphere in North Manchuria. Owing to a 
shortage of ammunition General Ma was compelled, however,* 
to withdraw his forces into the Hinghan Mountains along the 
Amur River. Since this territory was practically inaccessible 
until roads could be constructed, the Japanese decided to try 
diplomacy. General Kenji Doihara, known as Japan's "master 
of intrigue," was sent to Harbin to negotiate with General Ma. 
After several meetings General Ma consented to "go over" to 
the Japanese, providing the Japanese would appoint him Min- 
ister of War in the new Manchukuo Government, and in addi- 
tion provide him with a million dollars in gold bullion with 
which to re-equip his army. 

In the meantime I had made a trip with a group of American 
correspondents to the frontier town of Tsitsihar, capital of 
Heilungkiang Province, to interview General Ma, who in fight- 
ing his rearguard action against the Japs had crossed the Chinese 
Eastern Railway to the west of Harbin. 

We made the trip from Anganchi, the junction point on the 
Chinese Eastern line to Tsitsihar, over a narrow-gauge railway 
and reached General Ma's headquarters only about an hour 
before his evacuation of the city for a further withdrawal 
toward the Hinghan Mountains. He told us he planned ulti- 
mately to establish his headquarters at the town of Aigun, which 
is opposite the old Russian outpost of Blagoveshchensk on the 
upper Amur. 

General Ma was small in stature, and unlike most Chinese 
he had a heavy beard with the ends of his mustache drooping 
down two or three inches. 

Since we had only about an hour to interview the general, 
and our questions and his replies had to be alternately translated 


Into Chinese and English, we were anxious to get on with the 
interview. We had proceeded only about ten minutes and were 
looking nervously at our watches when our conversation was 
made inaudible by the striking of a large "grandfather's" type 
clock standing In the corner of the room. The clock was 
equipped with a heavy sonorous gong, with chimes, and it 
seemed to take an interminable time to strike the hour, which 
was midnight. All questions ceased and the interview was in abey- 
ance as we looked helplessly at each other until the clock had 
finished. It finally ceased striking and we revived the interview 
for a couple of minutes, when we were all startled again by 
another "boom" as a similar clock in an adjoining room started 
striking. Once more we sat helplessly until it had finished, a 
matter of several minutes. Again we resumed the interview 
and again we were Interrupted by another clock in another 
near-by room. The interview finally had to be cut short, as six 
clocks In various parts of the large compound struck; they had 
obviously been set to strike two or three minutes apart. Before 
we left the room I went over to the first clock to examine its 
mechanism. Across the face in English were the words "Made 
In Germany." 

The Japanese finally agreed to General Ma's terms, and he 
went to Hsinking (old name Changchun) , the new Manchukuo 
capital, but when he had received the money he secretly rejoined 
his troops In the Hinghan Mountains and again defied the Japa- 
nese invaders. The Japanese at once sent a large force into North 
Manchuria and succeeded in defeating a contingent of General 
Ma's troops. In checking over the Chinese bodies left on the 
field, following the Chinese withdrawal, the Japanese found a 
corpse attired in the uniform of a general. Near the body was 
a dead Mongolian pony similar to that usually ridden by Gen- 
eral Ma Chan-shan, and, what was even more convincing, the 
Japanese found a saddle-bag containing papers bearing the 
signature of the general, and several of the gold bars which the 
Japanese army had given him to use In equipping his troops. 

Japanese army officers were so elated that they sent a group 


of high officials bearing the uniform and other accouteraients of 
the "deceased" Chinese commander to Tokyo where they were 
pridefully exhibited before Hirohito, the Son of Heaven. These 
formalities, in which General Doihara participated, gave General 
Ma the time he needed to transfer practically his entire army 
across the Amur to Blagoveshchensk on the Soviet side of the 
line, where the Chinese soldiers were entrained for Sinkiang 
Province. General Ma then dispatched a telegram to General- 
issimo Chiang Kai-shek at Nanking apprising him of the 

Aside from the embarrassment caused the Japanese by Gen- 
eral Ma's sensational exploit, the Japanese army was placed in a 
curious predicament involving the prestige or "face" of the 
Emperor. Since Hirohito had been told that General Ma Chan- 
shan was dead, the Son of Heaven, obviously, could not be told 
that the Imperial Army had made a mistake and that the foxy 
Chinese general had outwitted them and escaped to Russia. The 
Japanese solved the impasse by permanently banning the use of 
General Ma's name in any Japanese paper. In the meantime, Gen- 
eral Ma had long since been actively opposing the Japanese in 
Suiyuan Province, but with no mention whatsoever in any Japa- 
nese communique. General Doihara, whose intrigue back-fired, 
lost face and after suffering near defeat by the Chinese forces 
on the Yellow River, was transferred to the Japanese Air Force. 



WHEN THE JAPANESE had eliminated the last organized Chi- 
nese resistance in Manchuria and the "story" was dead so far 
as the American and British newspapers were concerned, I 
decided (in 1935) to investigate the possibility of making a trip 
to the Soviet Far East. 

I had become acquainted with Soviet Ambassador Bogomo- 
lov and his Counsellor of Embassy, Spilvanek, through my cov- 
erage of a White Russian attempt to seize the Soviet consulate 
in Shanghai in 1928. Emboldened by Chiang Kai-shek's action 
in breaking off relations with the Soviets, a group of about 150 
former Cossack soldiers who resided in the French Concession 
at Shanghai attempted to seize the Soviet consulate and set up 
a "White" Russian government in the International Settlement. 

The news that an attempt was to be made to seize and 
occupy the Soviet consulate spread through the city, and a large 
crowd gathered, many of them being Russian women emigrees. 
The consular building was located directly across the street from 
the Astor House, and the lobby and windows of the hotel were 
filled with guests watching the show. The excitement began 
when a Russian woman hurled a brick through one of the 
windows of the consulate and at the same time uttered a loud 
scream. This apparently was the signal for action, as the mob 
closed in and bombarded the building with rocks, bricks, and 
other missiles, breaking most of the first-story and basement 

Despite the fact that neither the British nor the French police 
authorities interfered, the plot failed, thanks to the determined 
resistance of Soviet Consul Koslovsky and a handful of Soviet 



consular officials who barricaded themselves in the building. At 
the height of the rioting a member of the White Russian con- 
tingent, all of whom were attired in their old Czarist uniforms, 
managed to reach the door of the consulate and attempted to 
wrench the sickle and hammer from the iron griliwork. He re- 
ceived a bullet through his chest it was fired through the 
door by one of the defenders and died in the street. This took 
the fight out of the "White Guards," and after breaking a few 
more windows they dispersed before the belated arrival of the 
police. No arrests were made. 

The Soviet Ambassador was pleased with my coverage of 
the story, and became a good source of news throughout the 
remainder of his stay in the Far East. I decided to capitalize on 
my acquaintance, and asked the Ambassador for a passport visa 
to visit Vladivostok and Khabarovsk, respectively metropolis 
and political capital of Soviet Siberia. Bogomolov promised to 
cable Moscow, but did not hold out much hope. The cable cost 
me $50, and after a wait of nearly a month I was informed that 
my application had been rejected. 

In expectation of making the trip, I also applied to the Japa- 
nese for a visa to travel across the new state of Manchukuoj this 
was necessary in order to reach the Trans-Siberian Railway at 
Chita. The Japanese Consul said he also would have to cable the 
new Manchukuo capital at Hsinking for permission. When I 
called a few days later for a reply, the answer was an emphatic 
"No." I then learned that the Japanese army had kept a "black- 
list" of all correspondents who had criticized the Japanese oc- 
cupation of Manchuria, and had permanently barred them from 
visiting the puppet state. The way seemed to be blocked for my 
contemplated trip to Siberia. 

Some weeks later the Shanghai manager of the Soviet official 
travel agency, Intourist, told me that I might be able to visit 
Siberia if I would apply for a six-month tourist traveling permit 
to visit the November anniversary celebration of the Soviet 
Union in Red Square, Moscow. He told me that if I could obtain 
a visa to visit Moscow, it might be possible to stop over in 


Siberia on the way. He also told me that a Chinese cargo ship, 
being loaded with tea in Shanghai Harbor, was shortly sailing 
for Vladivostok. I decided to make another attempt, and sent 
another $50 cable to Moscow. This time the reply was favorable, 
and I received my passport visa and a six-month travel permit, 
The fee for the visa was $65, making the total cost of my admis- 
sion to Russia $165. Previously I had regarded our State De- 
partment's charge of $10 for a passport as exorbitant. 

Before sailing I was told by the Intourist representative that 
it was customary for travelers in Russia to purchase in advance 
books of coupons for use in payment for service in hotels, dining 
cars, and sleeping cars. I discovered later that the charges for 
hotel and express-train services were made at "official" exchange 
rate, whereas It was possible for travelers, after entering the 
Soviet Union, to purchase "cheap" roubles at black exchange 
markets for as many as seventy or eighty for an American dollar. 
The official rate was about eight roubles for an American dollar. 
Later, in Vladivostok, It was whispered to me that I could ex- 
change my American dollars for roubles at the rate of seventy 
roubles for one United States dollar, but I refrained from 
patronizing the black market. Despite the fact that It was a 
criminal offense to purchase "cheap" roubles, I was frequently 
approached by Russians who offered to sell them at rates ranging 
from thirty to fifty for one American dollar. Once I was ap- 
proached by a dealer in cheap roubles during the intermission 
at the ballet at the Bolshol Theater In Moscow. 

I did not realize the extent of Soviet nervousness regarding 
the crisis with Japan until I was aboard the Chinese cargo ship, 
loaded with tea, scheduled to sail immediately for Vladivostok. 
The cargo holds of the io,ooo-ton freighter were not only 
filled with cases of tea but thousands of additional cases were 
piled on the decks and covered with tarpaulins almost to the 
tops of the smokestacks. The Russian taste for tea, which dates 
from the time of Ghenghis Khan, is almost equal to that of the 
Chinese for their native drink. The Russians were taking no 
chances on being cut off from their favorite beverage in the 


event of a war with Japan. But there was further evidence 
aboard the ship of Soviet expectancy of war with the Nipponese. 
The limited passenger space was filled to overflowing with 
Soviet officials and families who were hurrying home so as not 
to be cut off in the Far East, 

Among the passengers were several members of the Soviet 
oil trust who had assisted the Chinese in establishing a Chinese- 
Soviet oil monopoly, which had failed because the monopoly 
could not compete with the American and Anglo-Dutch com- 
panies which obtained their oil from California and the Nether- 
lands Indies. The big installation which was built at Shanghai 
had been taken over by the Standard Vacuum and Dutch Shell 
at a bargain and the Soviet oil men [and their families] were 
going home. 

Even more convincing evidence of the jittery state of 
Soviet nerves developed after the ship sailed. I asked the captain, 
a native of Sweden, how long it would require us to make the 
trip from Shanghai to Vladivostok. He replied, "Ordinarily 
about five days, but much longer this time." He then whispered 
to me that the Japanese imperial fleet was holding maneuvers 
in the Japan Sea, and in consequence he had received instruc- 
tions not to sail directly for Vladivostok but to make a wide 
detour into the Pacific around Japan and northward in the direc- 
tion of the Aleutians, thence westward between Hokkaido, the 
most northern Japanese island, and Sakhalin to the Siberian 
coast, and then southwestward again within Russian territorial 
waters directly to Vladivostok, thereby skirting the main Japa- 
nese islands. The sea was calm and the trip was uneventful, but 
instead of the five days ordinarily required for travel by sea 
from Shanghai to Vladivostok, this voyage required twelve days. 

I know of no more delightful trip in the world than a peace- 
time cruise about the Japanese islands. For most of the coastline 
the tree-covered mountains come down directly to the sea, with 
occasional breaks in the wall through which one obtains a 
glimpse of narrow green valleys and often little doll-house 
villages and temples. On two or three occasions we observed 


waterfalls cascading down the steep cliffs Into the sea. One 
waterfall in particular will always remain in my memory. Seen 
from the sea, it appeared to be no more than a few yards in 
width but hundreds of feet in height. In the early morning it 
looked like a strand of white silk or molten silver waving in the 
breeze. It fell directly into the sea, sending up a cloud of spray 
in which a rainbow played. 

I found that Vladivostok apparently had changed little, 
physically, from the appearance of the city when the American 
troops evacuated the port following our Siberian expedition in 
World War L Although many years had passed, the sidewalks 
and streets contained the same holes, only deeper perhaps, which 
were there when our boys marched down to the jetty to em- 
bark for home following America's first adventure into Russian 
politics. The store fronts along most of the streets were still 
boarded up. 

My first shock upon the landing of our steamer was to ob- 
serve that most of the stevedores or dock workers were women. 
They were much better physical specimens than were the men 
working on the job. The foreman was a woman. My next shock 
came when a customs officer asked to see my passport, and 
examined my baggage. The official was also a woman. When I 
recovered my composure I addressed fyer in my very best (but 
limited) Russian; I had been studying the language, with indif- 
ferent success, for about three months. I noticed a puzzled look 
on her face, but she laughed and said (in English), "Please tell 
me what you want, and I will help you." 

Most of the shops were closed; only one department store 
had been opened. I noticed that practically all of the customers 
who jammed the one department store were Koreans; they 
seemed to be the only residents possessing any money. 

The shabby appearance of the town, however, did not 
mean that it was dead. On the contrary, Vladivostok was a hive 
of military activity. After resuming control of the city follow- 
ing the evacuation of the Japanese in 1922-23, the Soviet author!- 


ties did little to improve the port for more than ten years. Then 
they suddenly awoke to the realization that pious wishes and 
propaganda would not stem the Japanese tide of conquest which 
was sweeping across Manchuria and pressing against the Siberian, 
frontier from the Ussuri and Amur rivers to the deserts of 

The old fortifications which the Czar had constructed at 
Vladivostok for the defense of Russia's "Jewel of the Eastern 
Sea" became worthless after the Allied (Anglo-American- Japa- 
nese) intervention in Siberia. The Japanese, who overlook 
nothing, had thoroughly mapped the terrain, particularly that 
facing Korea and Manchuria. After the Japanese troops finally 
evacuated the area as a result of American pressure at the Wash- 
ington Arms Conference of 1922, the Soviets, in order to show 
their peaceful intentions toward both China and Japan, dismantled 
all of the old Czarist fortifications and shipped the guns inland to 
serve as scrap in the new iron foundries of European Russia. 

Now the Soviet authorities were trying to make up for their 
delay in rebuilding Vladivostok's defenses. Voroshilov, Minister 
of War, went to Vladivostok and surveyed the situation. The 
old Vladivostok iron works and ship-building plant was taken 
over and rejuvenated. Long rows of wooden barracks were 
constructed to house thousands of technicians and workers 
shipped to the Far East from European Russia. Renamed the 
Voroshilov Iron Works, the plant was converted to the con- 
struction, or rather the assembly, of submarines. They were 
built in sections in European Russia or in Germany and shipped 
over the Trans-Siberian Railway, or by sea to the Voroshilov 
Iron Works, where they were put together. I counted a half 
dozen of these sleek under-water craft cruising and maneuvering 
in the harbor. I was told in Tokyo several weeks later when I 
returned from Russia that the Russians had thirty subs based at 
Vladivostok at that time. The Japanese were watching the situa- 
tion closely, and visitors arriving in Tokyo from Europe by the 
Trans-Siberian Railway were subjected to near third-degree 
questioning by Japanese newspapermen and government offi- 


cials In an effort to find out what the traveler had seen while 
crossing Siberia. 

Since the Russians are experts in the art of psychological 
warfare, I often wondered whether much of their war prepara- 
tion was not purposely displayed for its effect on the Japanese. 
For example, travelers along the Trans-Siberian Railway be- 
tween Vladivostok and Khabarovsk always reported seeing large 
numbers of giant planes standing on air fields near the railway. 
I probably saw a half dozen of these giant planes, but I could 
well imagine that when the reports reached Tokyo the half 
dozen planes became hundreds. 

The initial impression created upon the visitor newly ar- 
rived at Vladivostok was the nervousness, verging almost on 
hysteria, which prevailed among the 208,000 population of the 
port. Practically every man, woman, and child carried a gas 
mask or kept one within reach. At night groups of people could 
be seen standing at street intersections under the heavily shaded 
street lamps listening to instructions by OGPU officers, on 
"what to do in the event of a Japanese air raid." 

One night the manager of Intourist took me in his new 
Soviet-made "Ford" to a high hill overlooking a deep valley on 
the outskirts of the city. Powerful searchlights trained on a 
large excavation project gave the impression of an inferno as 
thousands of laborers were driving a fifteen-mile tunnel under 
the Vladivostok hills. The announced purpose was to facilitate 
rail communication from the hinterland through the city to 
tidewater. In Moscow a few weeks later a German Embassy 
attache, whom I had known previously in Tientsin, told me 
that the tunnel was being constructed for another purpose, to 
serve as a bomb-proof shelter for the population in the event 
of war with Japan. Elsewhere I was assured that the "tunnel" 
was actually an underground airdrome. 

On another trip to the outskirts of the city my Intourist 
guide pointed out to me a large clearing on the wooded slopes 
of Russian Island in the harbor. My guide said it was the site 


of new fortifications being rushed to completion. Numerous 
long-range coast-defense guns had been installed in the hills, 
and special attention had been paid to the defenses on the land 
side, to prevent an attack from that direction. A large radio 
station on Russian Island, originally built by General Graves for 
the use of our American troops during the intervention, had 
been reconstructed and was in operation. 

Visits to other hilltops disclosed numerous cuttings for new 
railway sidings and other larger clearings for air fields. Planes 
were constantly in the air, day and night, on patrol duty. I once 
counted 160 Soviet planes in the air at one time. A new refrig- 
eration plant in the harbor area provided facilities for preparing 
and preserving fish in ton lots, obviously for feeding an army. 
An American company was also constructing a large modem 
cannery for the Soviet Fishery Bureau. Large cellars were under 
construction, for storage of vegetables, fruits, and dairy 

One morning I was astonished to see thousands of workers 
engaged in transforming the street-railway tracks to broad 
gauge in order that they could be used for railway transport in 
an emergency. I was told that the workers, including many 
women welders armed with blow-torches, were from the 
Voroshilov Iron Works and that they had "donated" their holi- 
day in order that the street railway could be changed to railway 

All water and gas mains were being sunk to eight or ten 
feet underground as protection from air-bombing by the Japa- 
nese, and an underground aqueduct eighteen miles long was 
under construction to provide an auxiliary supply in case of 
need. Two electric power plants were under construction. I was 
also shown the ruins" of a once-imposing church which had been 
dynamited to make way for a projected summer hotel and resort 
for workers and soldiers. The most ambitious project of all, the 
double-tracking of the Trans-Siberian Railway from the Urals 


to the Pacific, had not yet reached Vladivostok This monu- 
mental job was being pushed through with forced labor polit- 
ical prisoners from the Ukraine. 

Mr. Meiinkoff, representative of the Narcomindel or Foreign 
Office, complained, when I visited him, that he could not get 
the roof of his house repaired because all carpenters were em- 
ployed on the tunnel job. "In Manchuria I could get a Chinese 
carpenter to do the job in a few hours," he said. But in Vladivos- 
tok there was no provision in the "five-year plan" for such small 
private jobs. Everything had to be subordinated to the main 
job. On one occasion it was necessary to import Chinese laborers 
from Manchuria to repair and pave a street about the railway 
station in preparation for the November Tenth Celebration. 
There were not enough Soviet laborers available even for 
this job. 

Thousands of men, women and children, enforced emigrants 
from the Ukraine, were camped in primitive shacks and lean- 
tos for several blocks about the. railway station, awaiting the 
construction or repair of houses. Similar scenes were presented 
at practically all railway stations along the route as far as Lake 
Baikal. All railway stations were jammed with people who had 
no other place to sleep. 

Siberia was practically without modem roads, and worse, 
was without the mechanical means or trained engineering per- 
sonnel with knowledge or experience in modern road construc- 
tion. Having lived in China for many years, where modern roads 
were almost unknown until 1927, I was astonished to find that 
Russia, particularly Siberia, was even behind China in modern 
roads. When I mentioned the lack of roads the average Russian 
would shrug his shoulders and say that since the ground was 
frozen for a considerable part of the year "roads really were not 
necessary." However, some roads were being built; one twenty- 
five miles long was under construction to a town on the Vladi- 
vostok peninsula. Some weeks later I was standing next to a 


high German diplomat viewing the November Tenth military 
show in Red Square when a number of the new heavy Soviet 
tanks or "land battleships'* lumbered by. I asked the German 
what he thought of them. He replied, "They would bog down 
in the Russian mud ten miles outside of Moscow." He appeared 
to be unaware of the Russian custom of waging war in the 
winter when the ground and rivers are frozen. 

I was told that major effort in Vladivostok was being exerted 
in the field of popular education, but I was shown only two 
schools, one for children whose mothers worked at the Voro- 
shilov Iron Works. The modern residence where this school 
was located had previously belonged to a member of the old 
American consulate. The other school, known as the Korean 
University, to which I was taken, was said to be the only one 
in existence where the ancient Korean language was taught. This 
statement was not strictly correct, however, as American mis- 
sionaries in Korea, despite Japanese military opposition, used 
the Korean language in their schools until the Korean language 
was definitely outlawed by the Japanese Governor-General, 
some time before World War II. While visiting the Korean 
University at Vladivostok I was shown one room where some 
fifty students were engaged in translating articles and pamphlets 
into the Korean language. I was told that the booklets were being 
smuggled into Korea. Later, after Stalin signed the four-point 
non-aggression pact with Japan in 1941, the Russians not only 
closed the Korean University but moved a considerable portion 
of the -Korean population from the Vladivostok area further 
west to some undisclosed point in Central Asia. 

One day I visited a parade ground, and was surprised to 
see a regiment of Korean troops .drilling and maneuvering tinder 
Soviet officers. I was told that the Korean regiment was part of 
the Soviet border-defense force. Later, in the vicinity of Lake 
Baikal, I observed even larger bodies of Oriental troops wearing 
the uniform of the Soviet army. 

A vacant block near the hotel was jammed every morning 


by thousands of men and women engaged in bartering articles 
of clothing, shoes, underwear, and occasionally a shabby fur 
coat, for a few kopeks of depreciated paper currency with 
which to purchase bread and vegetables. This "market" was ap- 
parently wanked at by the authorities or was not considered 
"trading for profit" under the Soviet law. 

The ancient Versailles Hotel still bore the name and some 
remnants of the opulence It had possessed in more prosperous 
Czarist days. It reminded me of a once aristocratic hostelry in 
an American town which had enjoyed and then been by-passed 
by an oil or mining boom. The condition of the sanitary 
plumbing was something to be forgotten as soon as possible after 
use. As for the wash-basins and bathtubs, I am willing to wager 
that I didn't find in all Siberia a half dozen that possessed plugs. 
On my first morning in Khabarovsk I asked the maid about 
facilities for taking a bath. She went away and returned with a 
tin can containing about a gallon of hot water. Motioning to me 
to remove my pajamas, she started to pour the water on my head 
so it would run down over my body in the fashion of a shower, 
I decided to forgo the luxury of a bath until I reached Moscow. 

Every hotel was compelled by law to keep a large black book 
for use of the guests in making complaints. The manager said 
that the official inspector of hotels from Moscow was accus- 
tomed to drop in unannounced and demand the "black book" 
for a perusal of complaints noted down by the guests. While in 
Vladivostok I complained on several occasions of the lack of 
fish, although several varieties were always listed on the menu. 
The head waiter immediately produced the familiar black book. 
Finally I took it, and selecting a blank page wrote down all of 
the statistics I could remember that the Fishery Bureau had 
given me about Vladivostok's fish production. Under the figures 
I wrote, "In view of Vladivostok's great fish production, why 
can't I have some fish for breakfast?" Later I was visited by a 
delegation, including the manager, dining-room steward and 
chief bookkeeper, who explained to me that there had been a 
breakdown in the fishery delivery service. I was assured that 


the matter would be rectified when the inspector arrive4 from 

Vladivostok has a delightful spring, summer, and autumn 
climate, but the same cannot be said of winter, which is cold, 
blustery, and changeable. A balmy, invigorating morning might 
be followed by a cold, raw afternoon that made a fur-lined over- 
coat a necessity. The officials at Vladivostok had elaborate plans 
for developing Vladivostok as a summer resort, similar to the 
famous resorts on the Caspian and Black seas, but war prepara- 
tions doubtless intervened. 

While in Vladivostok I listened to many accounts of ambi- 
tious development projects, one of which nearly caused compli- 
cations with the Japanese. It also had its humorous elements. 

This project was for the construction of a causeway or dam 
connecting northern Sakhalin Island with the mainland, just 
north of the mouth of the Amur River. The engineer claimed 
that the cold weather which prevailed along the coast of the 
Maritime Province of Siberia was due to a cold ocean current 
from the Sea of Okhotsk which flowed southward along the 
coast of the Maritime Province. He argued that this frigid cur- 
rent was responsible for the disagreeable climate which prevails 
along the southern Siberian coast, and that by damming the 
narrow strait between Sakhalin Island and the coast, the cold 
current would be diverted away from Siberia and would flow 
down along the east side of Japan. The effect of this, according 
to his analysis, would be to produce a warmer climate along the 
Siberian coast and at the same time to transform the Japanese 
islands, particularly the northern islands of Hokkaido and Hon- 
shu, into arctic territories which the Japanese population would 
find unendurable. 

News of this novel Russian solution of the Japanese prob- 
lem, which would congeal them wholesale, naturally reached 
Japan and created a tremendous commotion. It was only one 
of many such rumors which were constantly coming out of 
Siberia and circulating among the Japanese in exaggerated form. 


I often wondered if this was not an astute form of Russian 
psychological warfare. 

Also, there was no questioning the fact that the Japanese were 
using these alleged threats from Siberia to stimulate their own 
war psychology and divert the minds of the Japanese people 
away from the critical economic situation then prevailing 
throughout most of Japan. 

Across Siberia 

THE AWAKENING OF THE Russian Bear to the necessity of de- 
fending Siberia now was evident on all sides. The activities of 
every individual and the use of every resource in the land were 
directed, voluntarily or forcibly, toward the major objective, 
the saving of Siberia from the "makakas," the Russian word for 
monkey, used as a slang name for the Japanese. 

I was amazed to observe at first hand the Soviet Union's 
method of handling labor. I inquired of my Intourist guide, a 
young woman member of the Komsomols, or Communist Youth 
Organization, why all of the labor groups, often numbering as 
many as a thousand men, engaged in double-tracking the Trans- 
Siberian Railway, were always bossed by armed guards of the 
OGPU. These armed guards were always recognized by their 
black leather coats and trousers and Cossack-style high leather 
boots, and they always carried a sub-machine gun. The clothing 
worn by the laborers was shabby, and in many cases showed 
evidence of a former more opulent existence on the part of the 
wearer. This was particularly true of fur caps, and fur lapels 
on their threadbare coats, from which most of the hair had 
been worn away. A fur cap has always been a sure sign of luxury 
in Russia, whether in Czarist or modern Communist days. 

When the train stopped, as it often did, where work was in 
progress, the men would swarm about me as I stepped from the 
express car; they seemed to know instinctively I was an "Ameri- 
kansky," and beg for "toboc." My extra supply, bought in 
Shanghai, was quickly exhausted. Once a man who knew some 
English and obviously had seen better days dropped to his knees, 
kowtowed, and begged me for some tobacco, and when I 



handed him my half-empty tin he embraced me so enthusiasti- 
cally that all the passengers cheered. 

When I asked my Intourist guide for information about the 
armed guards, she always shrugged her shoulders and in her 
limited English replied, "political criminals." And so they were 
largely, as I was later informed, from the Ukraine, where 
there had been mass opposition to Stalin's collective farm pro- 
gram. I was told that the farmers had slaughtered their cattle 
and staged a great feast, rather than surrender the cattle to the 
state, and that a vast and devastating famine had resulted. The 
usual charges against these men were ownership of land and 
employment of labor for profit. They were the famous "kulaks," 
now constituting an oppressed class in the "classless" society 
of the U.S.S.R. 

In the railway yards at Chita, junction point where the 
Chinese Eastern Railway branched off toward Manchuria from 
the main or Amur line of the Trans-Siberian, I saw long lines 
of freight cars, literally thousands of them, flat cars, gondolas, 
and closed cars. The flat cars and gondolas were loaded with 
trucks, tractors, combines, and miscellaneous military equip- 
ment. The closed cars were filled with human cargo, largely 
men, who were being shipped from European Russia to Siberia 
to work on various construction and defense jobs, I noticed 
that all of the closed freight cars were locked on the outside 
and that the faces which jammed the little windows in the upper 
corners were wan and pale. Armed OGPU guards constantly 
patrolled between the long lines of cars. I was told that the 
prisoners could regain their citizenship by conscientious work 
for a certain period, usually five years, But thousands, par- 
ticularly those of advanced years, obviously would not be able 
to live out the five-year period. I frequently saw bodies of 
those who had dropped from exhaustion or illness lying along- 
side the railway track. 

A study of Russian history reveals that there have been 
many forced mass migrations of peoples within the borders of 
the country. The Yakut nation or tribe, which occupies most 


>f the rich Lena River Valley in Siberia, has a tradition that 
ts people are of Turkish origin and were moved in a mass from 
Central Asia by some early conqueror, perhaps Genghis Khan 
>r Tamerlane. Present-day Yakuts, who number some 300,000, 
:laim that they are "cousins" of American Indians, whom they 
jreatly resemble. Yakutsk, the capital of the Yakut nation, is on 
:he Alaska-Siberian air route connecting the United States and 
Canada with the Soviet Union, and in the early years of 
tVorld War II had aroused the interest of American travelers. 
They have reported that the Yakuts are an enterprising race and 
control within their "republic" much of the gold, platinum, 
furs, and other valuable raw products of Siberia which are 
shipped abroad to help balance Russia's war economy. Educated 
members of the tribe, whom I met on the train in the vicinity 
of Lake Baikal and also in Manchuria, were friendly toward 
Americans and constantly asked questions about their American 
fndian "cousins." 

There was still another example of forced "mass migration" 
of thousands of Russians in the triangular area fronting on Man- 
churia, located to the" west of Khabarovsk, capital of Siberia. 
The territory, known as the Biro-Bidjhan district (named for 
two rivers), was set aside by the Soviet Government as a self- 
governing "colony" for the resettlement of Russian Jews. Most 
of the Jews in the district had been transported there from the 
towns and villages of the Ukraine and White Russia. But they 
fared better than the labor gangs along the railroad in that they 
retained their political rights and enjoyed autonomy in the direc- 
tion of the local administration of the district. The editor of 
the party newspaper in Khabarovsk told me that the Jewish 
colony "was similar to the Palestine colony which Great Britain 
had fostered," and that a chief object of the Soviet Government 
in establishing the district was to divert the attention of Russian 
Jews from the British-fostered Zionist movement in Palestine, 
which had profoundly impressed the millions of Russian Jews. 
The secretary of the Siberian Jewish colony informed me that 


Jewish organizations in New York had contributed considerable 
sums to the Russian project. Incidentally, the official Handbook 
of the Soviet Union, printed in English, listed more than a dozen 
types of Jews, some of them classed among the most primitive 
tribes of the country. 

I learned from a Soviet army officer, whom I met on the 
train, that the chief objective of the Government in establishing 
the Biro-Bid jhan Jewish colony was strategic. Due to its location 
directly to the west of Khabarovsk, capital of Siberia, the district 
was intended to provide an important agricultural and industrial 
base for the support of the Far Eastern Red Army, headquar- 
tered in eastern Siberia. Due to the location of the Jewish colony 
along the Amur adjacent to the new Japanese state of Man- 
chukuo, it would be impossible for a Japanese army to attack 
Khabarovsk without invading the Jewish colony, causing reper- 
cussions throughout the Jewish world somewhat similar to 
Hitler's attack on the Jews in Europe. Later when the Jews 
showed a disinclination to engage in "collective" farming in the 
new colony, the Soviet Government moved into the area several 
thousand Korean farmers from the Vladivostok area. Russian 
officials at Khabarovsk said there was considerable intermarriage 
between the Jewish colonists and the Koreans, leading inevitably 
to the creation of a new race, as was happening in North Man- 
churia and the Lake Baikal district, where there was consider- 
able intermarriage between Russians, Chinese, and Mongolians, 
a process which had been going on since the arrival of the 
Russians in the Far East several centuries ago. 

This vast area, stretching from the Pacific to the Urals, con- 
stituting one of the world's last frontiers, is a "melting pot" of 
races to such an extent that one hears a common statement in 
Russia that the complexion of the population shades off from 
white to yellow as one travels eastward from Moscow toward 
Siberia, and from white to brown as one travels southward 
toward the Caucusus, and that there is no perceptible dividing 
line between the colors. I was told by a well educated Russian 
woman in Harbin who had traveled extensively in Mongolia and 


eastern Siberia that there are eighteen more or less distinct racial 
groups or "tribes" within the present confines of the U.S.S.R., 
and that the non-white groups predominate in numbers over the 
white population. The existence of this situation had made it nec- 
essary for the Soviet Government to pay special attention to 
so-called "racial" issues and to enact legislation designed to pre- 
vent racial clashes. However, any suggestion that the Soviet 
Union has solved the racial issue is a statement of a hope, rather 
than an actuality. There are deep racial animosities in Russia, 
particularly in Asiatic Russia, which, for the present, are somno- 
lent but require only a spark to ignite. 

Siberia is a vast treasure house of natural resources, com- 
parable to Canada, with the top tier of our northwestern States 
added for good measure. From the standpoint of agricultural 
and dairying potentialities, North Manchuria and parts of 
Mongolia greatly resemble northern Michigan, Minnesota, and 
the Dakotas. At the time of Japan's seizure of Manchuria, White 
Russian communities along the Siberian border were supplying 
butter and other dairy products to the large China coast cities 
of Dairen, Tientsin, Tsingtao, and Shanghai. For a distance of 
3,ooo-odd miles from the Urals to the Pacific, the country is 
largely wooded. It is a common saying in Siberia that in the 
never-ending struggle between man and trees, the trees always 
seem to be winning. As one travels westward from Vladivostok, 
the forests are chiefly of birch, which the Russians have learned 
to carve into innumerable articles. The birch forests along the 
Ussuri shade off to limitless forests of virgin pine and spruce, 
resembling the forests of North America before they were 
devastated by the lumber and pulp mills. At intervals one sees 
little clearings, chiefly in the river valleys, with villages of log 
or sod houses, similar to our early West. Generally the country 
is as primitive as our early explorers and settlers found the upper 
Mississippi and its tributaries. In many places the forests have 
encroached so closely on the railway that the branches sweep 
the train windows. 


In Khabarovsk I visited an agricultural fair which might have 
been held in one of our Middle Western county seats a quarter 
of a century ago. There were long rows of tables and booths 
displaying agricultural products and preserved fruits and 
vegetables. Most of the fruits were of the small or berry variety, 
including cranberries which grow in abundance in the Vladi- 
vostok area. I was intrigued by several species of small apples 
similar to the wild crab-apples of our Middle West, which 
we called "Siberian" crab-apples. It was noticeable that most 
of the exhibits belonged to members of the OGPU, to whom 
Stalin had entrusted the responsibility of looking after the food 
supply for the Far Eastern army. 

I was impressed by the large numbers of soldiers in evidence 
at all points along the railway. At a tea and reception given by 
Commissar Krutoff, head of the Far Eastern Politburu, or Com- 
munist Party organization, I was cautioned against asking any 
questions about military affairs, particularly concerning the 
number and distribution of troops along the border. However, as 
usually happened at Russian parties, the flow of vodka quickly 
loosened tongues, and before long everybody was discussing 
the subject uppermost in our minds, Soviet measures of defense 
against the expected Japanese invasion of both Siberia and Outer 
Mongolia. The Russians feared an attack at two points: a com- 
bined land, air, and sea attack designed to cut off Vladivostok 
and the maritime province, and a major land-and-air attack on 
Outer Mongolia aimed at cutting off all Siberia east of Lake Bai- 
kal. For years the Japanese had conducted a propaganda cam- 
paign among the White or emigree Russians to the effect that 
Japan planned to "liberate" Siberia from communist influence and 
would "restore" Siberia to the White or Czarist Russians. The 
Cossack leader, Ataman Seminov, whose forces once fired on 
American troops in the vicinity of Chita during the American 
intervention in Siberia in World War I, had long been a resident 
of Dairen in South Manchuria within the Japanese zone, and was 
regarded as Japan's future puppet in Siberia. When asked about 


Japanese Intrigue among the emigree Russians in the Far East, 
Soviet officers always smiled and repeated their assertions that 
the Far Eastern Red Army, led by General Galen (or Bluecher), 
would be able to sweep the Japanese from Manchuria in short 

A Soviet officer at Khabarovsk told me laughingly that an 
outbreak of war on the long Siberia-Manchukuo border would 
be preceded by a thousand dog-fights. When I asked him what 
he meant he said that the Soviet frontier defense guards had, for 
several years, trained police dogs for use In trailing Japanese 
spies. He said that when the Japanese learned of the Russian 
use of dogs, they immediately imported vast numbers of police 
dogs, with trainers, from Germany. Hence the expected dog- 
fights should hostilities break out. 

Gregori Krutoff, the highest civil official in the Khabarovsk 
Government, made the following statement in reply to a ques- 
tion I put to him regarding the prospect of war between the 
U.S.S.R. and Japan: "War with Japan is inevitable so long as 
Manchuria is dominated by a crowd of Japanese military ad- 
venturers who think they must continue in possession of this 
territory to cover their past crimes." 

Krutoff asserted that there were many sober-minded Japa- 
nese who favored the withdrawal of their military forces from 
Manchuria if it were possible, to "save the face" of the Kwan- 
tung army. But since this was impossible, owing to the methods 
the army had used in occupying the territory, the Soviets were 
going on the assumption that war was inevitable. The Russians 
were convinced that the Japanese army would be forced to stage 
another military adventure similar to that of 1931 In Manchuria 
if Japan experienced another serious economic crisis such as 
prevailed in Japan in 1929-31. 

On the wall of Commissar KratofPs office, which occupied 
an entire floor of the only modern building in Khabarovsk, was 
a large map of Manchuria upon which were indicated the many 
new railways and highways which the Japanese were driving 


through the sparsely populated areas of the country straight 
toward the Soviet border. Pointing to the map, Krutoff ex- 
claimed: "These roads are not being built for peace. They are 
built for war." 

But there was no indication of fear or of any desire to 
appease the Japanese. I was informed that the Russians had flatly 
rejected a recent Japanese proposal for a mutual withdrawal of 
armed forces for twenty-five miles. The Japanese proposal was 
clever, because such a withdrawal would have- exposed the Soviet 
Trans-Siberian Railway to Nipponese attack, as much of the 
track along the Amur skirts the border. 

Then there was the problem of the Chinese Eastern Railway, 
which the Czarist regime had built directly across North Man- 
churia to provide a short-cut to Vladivostok. The Russians were 
in daily fear that the Japanese would seize the railway and pre- 
cipitate hostilities before Russia was ready. By means of clever 
propaganda they forced the Japanese, from consideration of 
"face," to agree to purchase the road. But even then the Russians 
did not breathe freely until the sale agreement was signed. The 
price finally agreed upon, approximately $50,000,000, was re- 
garded as far below the real value of the i,5Oo-mile line, half of 
which legally belonged to China. 

Although the Japanese occupation and the cutting of both 
ends of the line where it crossed the border into Soviet territory 
had destroyed the economic importance of the railway, there 
never had been any disposition on the part of the Soviets to sur- 
render possession. The stagnation in the trade of Vladivostok 
caused by the Japanese occupation of Manchuria was evidenced 
in the long lines of empty rusting tank cars standing idle in the 
railway yards at Vladivostok. Ordinarily these cars would be in 
use transporting soya-bean oil, the chief Manchurian agricul- 
tural product, to market. The Chinese strongly protested against 
the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway but were powerless to 
prevent it, as the Japanese were in occupation of Manchuria. 

I was particularly interested in appraising Soviet policy 
toward Japan in this period of crisis in the Far East, which I felt 


instinctively would ultimately involve iny own country. Even 
a superficial inspection of the vast area of Far Eastern Russia, 
which reaches around Japanese-controlled Manchukuo to the 
Sea of Japan, indicated the deep determination of the Soviets to 
fight for every inch of their territory. As one high official put 
it, "Our Far Eastern Red Army today matches the Japanese 
Manchukuan military machine, soldier for soldier, gunboat for 
gunboat, and plane for plane, along the entire Amur River 

The feeling which prevailed among Soviet officials in Siberia 
that war was inevitable cooled perceptibly as I approached Mos- 
cow from the Far East. Relations between Moscow and Berlin 
were becoming more strained, and that situation naturally 
overshadowed the menace of Japan in Manchuria. While reiter- 
ating the oft-repeated statement that Russia "would not permit 
Japan to occupy a single inch of Siberian territory," the leaders 
of Moscow were undoubtedly speculating in their minds as to 
what they could do to keep the situation from getting out of 
hand in that quarter, while building up their "front" against 
Germany on the west. Thus we had the interesting triangular 
diplomatic spectacle of both Russia and Germany wooing im- 
perial Japan for cooperation in the event of an outbreak of war 
in Europe, in which the U.S.S.R. and Germany, in all prob- 
ability, would be on opposite sides. 

Later I had cause to remember a chance remark of a Soviet 
official who,, when I asked him the usual question about the rela- 
tions of the Soviet Union and Japan in the Far East, replied 
rather impatiently: "Why doesn't America fight Japan? It's 
your job more than it is ours!" 

And so indeed it turned out to be. 

When I was in Khabarovsk I asked Comrade Krutoff if there 
were any Americans in the vast territory under his jurisdiction. 
He replied in the negative, and then as an afterthought he sud- 
denly asked me if I knew where he could employ an American 
engineer. He said the Government would pay the engineer's 


travel expenses and a good salary. Thinking they had some 
special engineering project in mind, I asked about the character 
of the work they expected the American engineer to perform. 
Krutoff smiled and said, "Oh, the engineering part is not so im- 
portant; we want an American to help us practice English con- 
versation, but of course we will use his engineering knowledge 
too," The commissar then told me that practically every Soviet 
official in the Far East was studying the English language, but 
they could not find a single American in the Soviet Far East 
with whom to practice English conversation. 

I was thinking of KrutofFs suggestion about employing an 
American engineer "who was also a good conversationalist" as 
I got into KrutofFs bright new Buick limousine to return to the 
Khabarovsk Hotel in order to pick up my baggage and then pro- 
ceed to the railway station to catch the train for Moscow. Imag- 
ine my surprise when KrutofFs chauffeur, a middle-aged Rus- 
sian, turned and said to me in good American English, "You're 
an American, aren't you? " I could not conceal my astonishment 
as I replied in the affirmative and asked him where he learned to 
speak the American language. He replied, "I lived in Honolulu 
for ten years after the revolution, then I returned home to 
Siberia." He then added, with a shrug of his shoulders, "But I 
never speak English here." 

There was a time when Americans were deeply interested in 
large development plans in Siberia in the period following our 
purchase of Alaska from Russia in 1867. Curiously, Alaska has 
occupied a significant place in the relations of Russia and the 
United States. When Secretary of State William H. Seward pur- 
chased Alaska from Russia in 1867, the agreed purchase price 
was $7,200,000 in gold, which figured out at about one penny an 
acre. But the actual purchase price was much less only $1,400,- 
ooo the balance, $5,800,000, was to reimburse Russia for the 
cost of a naval demonstration in New York Harbor during the 
United States Civil War, at a time when England favored the 
Confederacy and the Yankees needed a friend. The reason 


Russia was willing to sell Alaska, and at such a bargain price, 
was the fear that Britain was planning to seize the territory. 

I met several young Komsomols, or members of the Com- 
munist Youth Party, in the Russian Far East who knew far more 
about Alaska than I did, and all seemed to be under the impres- 
sion that America had "tricked" the Czar into selling Alaska at 
too low a price. I wondered whether present-day Soviet school- 
books contained passages about Russia's "loss" of Alaska, but 
could not obtain any information on the subject. 

The Russians in the period between 1860 and 1870 were 
anxious to obtain the assistance of Americans in the development 
of Siberia. The Grand Duke, a brother of the Czar, who was 
Governor-General of Siberia at the time of the sale of Alaska, 
made a contract with a group of Americans for the development 
of all railway and other transportation facilities, telegraphic 
communications, mining, forestry, and agricultural resources be- 
tween the Pacific Ocean and the Ural Mountains. It probably 
was the greatest development concession granted by any gov- 
ernment since the English King turned over India^ Malaya and 
China to the East India Company. Nothing came of the Ameri- 
can concession to develop Siberia, because the Czar feared it 
would result in a loss of prestige on the part of the throne. As a 
result Siberia remained dormant, a vast camp for political pris- 
oners of czarist regimes, and more recently, the Soviet regime. 

During this early period of American interest in Russian 
Siberia, an attempt was made to link the two countries by a 
combination land and submarine cable starting at Seattle and 
passing along the coast of Alaska, across the Aleutian Islands and 
Bering Sea to Kamchatka Peninsula, and thence across Siberia to 
Russia and Europe. The cable was to be operated by a private 
company, enjoying a government subsidy which would make it 
independent of the monopoly which controlled the Atlantic 
cables. The company interested in the project, after surveying 
the route along the Aleutian chain, landed a corps of surveyors 
on the coast of Kamchatka. The surveyors finally made their 


way entirely across Siberia to Europe, but nothing came of the 
project. The greatly needed trans-Pacific cable was not built 
until after the American occupation of the Philippines in 1898. 

In 1920 the Soviet Government granted to the American oil 
promoter, Harry F. Sinclair, a concession to develop the valuable 
oil resources of northern Sakhalin Island, but Moscow was 
forced to cancel the contract and refund the bargain money 
because of Japanese pressure. The Soviet Government ulti- 
mately turned over the concession to the Japanese navy, which 
has since used the wells of Russian Sakhalin as a chief source 
of fuel for both navy and air force. 

When I was in Siberia at the beginning of Soviet industrial 
development in the Lake Baikal region, I was told that Moscow's 
intention was to duplicate as far as possible the vast Japanese 
industrial development centered at Mukden in South Manchuria. 
I frequently speculated on what might have happened in Rus- 
sian Asia had the great American development concession of the 
early iSyo's gone through. There is sufficient pulp wood in 
Siberia to feed the world's presses for many generations. 

Moscow In 9 35 

I ARRIVED IN MOSCOW early in October, and was taken by my 
Intourist guide to the Novo Moscotia (New Moscow) Hotel, 
located at the approach to one of the bridges which span the 
Moscow River, only about a block from Red Square and the 
Kremlin. The excellent view of the Kremlin from the upper 
floors of the hotel was the chief feature offered its patrons in 
exchange for the high rates charged. I found that this hotel was 
the one in which the Communist Party put up its labor delega- 
tion guests from abroad. Many American engineers and tech- 
nicians of various kinds employed in the Soviet Union also made 
the Novo Moscotia their headquarters while in the capital. 

One unusual thing about the hotel, of which I became aware 
the next morning at breakfast, was that the dining room was 
divided by a temporary railing into two sections. People who 
dined at tables on one side of the railing, chiefly tourists or 
businessmen, were on a "valuta" basis, meaning that they paid 
for their service in foreign money, usually American money or 
its equivalent. For example, my breakfast came to practically 
one dollar in American money, and I paid the bill in American 
money. I gave the waiter a five-dollar bank note, and received 
in change a handful of miscellaneous small coins from practically 
every European country except Russia, 

On the other side of the railing the diners paid their bills in 
Soviet paper roubles which ranged in value at that time all the 
way from forty to eighty to the American dollar. The food 
served on both sides of the railing was exactly the same, so that 
the breakfast for which I paid a dollar in American money, if 
eaten on the other side of the railing, would only have cost from 



eight cents to twelve cents. The next time I visited the dining 
room I selected a table on the "paper rouble" side of the railing, 
but the waiter motioned me back to the "valuta" side as I, being 
a foreign traveler, was expected to pay my bill in American 
money. Later I learned of a new "American-style" restaurant 
where it was possible to pay the check in paper roubles, and as 
a result my bill for food went down miraculously. 

A few days after I arrived in Moscow I found, in a second- 
hand bookstore, a small volume containing English translations 
of a number of Stalin's earlier speeches. The book was a lucky 
find, because a perusal of the addresses provided me with a valu- 
able key to an understanding of what was happening in Russia. 
In the first place, I was impressed by the bitterness of Stalin's 
attacks on the Trotskyites. His hatred of his former political 
rival and of Trotsky's internationalist theories seemed to exceed 
his animosity toward the imperialists and capitalists. On several 
occasions Stalin expressed admiration for the efficient organiza- 
tion and management of American industrial establishments, re- 
peating with enthusiasm the stories which Russian engineers had 
brought back from the United States. 

However, the paragraphs in Stalin's published addresses 
which seemed to me of most significance in view of what was 
happening in Russia were his descriptions of conditions which 
prevailed in the Czarist army and military establishment which 
Stalin was trying to rectify. He told of instances where poorly 
trained and totally unarmed soldiers were driven into front-line 
trenches by officers who always carried whips (knouts) in their 
hands. The soldiers without arms were expected to pick up the 
rifles of their fallen comrades who were fortunate enough to 
possess them. Stalin said that much of the old Russian army's 
rifles and ammunition was purchased by the Government from 
dishonest contractors and was defective. He said that Russia in 
the past had to depend on foreign arms manufacturers for most 
of her military supplies; he attributed Russia's defeat in the war 
with Japan, and in World War I, in large measure, to these con- 

MOSCOW IN '35 229 

ditions and declared that never again would the Russian army 
serve as a "door mat" for foreign enemies to walk over in invad- 
ing the country. 

I was greatly impressed on my eleven-day trip across Russia 
by the great number of soldiers and officers, usually In new 
uniforms, who crowded the railway stations and trains and were 
seen in large numbers on the streets in every city and town I 
visited. I naturally was curious to know the size of the Russian 
army, and made frequent inquiries of Russian officials whom I 
met, as to the number of men under arms. I was always given 
the standard number, 600,000, which Russia supplied officially 
to the League of Nations when the League collected statistics on 
this subject from all countries. It seemed obvious to me that this 
number was a gross understatement, because the large numbers of 
men in new uniforms indicated that recruiting on a large scale 
had been going on for some time. Before I left Russia the truth 
was out. An official statement indicated that the army had been 
expanded to well over a million men. The expansion was ap- 
parent at the November Seventh Celebration in Red Square, 
where contingents from the various military branches, including 
light and giant tanks, were displayed. The same was true of 
the aviation corps. 

A notable feature of the celebration in Red Square was an 
exhibition flight of the giant plane named Maxim Gorky, said 
to be the largest plane constructed up to that time. The plane 
was equipped with a radio and a giant amplifier for disseminating 
Government propaganda. The parade of military forces through 
Red Squre lasted from 10 o'clock in the morning to late after- 
noon. Stalin and members of the cabinet stood behind a stone 
balcony on the top of Lenin's tomb, only their heads and shoul- 
ders being visible from the diplomatic reviewing stand, which 
was only about fifty yards distant. I was told that the Russian 
infantry units which marched through Red Square that day were 
among the best drilled and equipped soldiers in Europe of the 
time. No one who observed the exhibition could leave without 
the impression that the Russian revolution had taken on a pro- 


nounced military complexion. The parade of civilian workers 
through Red Square that day was enlivened by numerous carica- 
tures of Germans and Japanese. The various unions of workers, 
including women, also marched with a military precision that 
indicated widespread military training. 

In addition to the military development which was obvious 
on all sides, the country seemed to be undergoing a rapid indus- 
trialization, and the personal comfort of the people was being 
sacrificed to the development of heavy industry. The only 
luxury article I was able to discover was a cheap brand of per- 
fume which seemed to be on sale everywhere. Several amusing 
stories were told about the perfumery industry. Proponents of 
the communist system always argued that there could never be 
over-production under the Russian system, because the prices of 
surplus products would be automatically lowered by the Gov- 
ernment, thus enabling the lower-income strata of the population 
to purchase the goods. Surplus stocks would be consumed in this 
manner without causing a depression in the industry. However, 
it didn't work out that way in the perfumery industry, because 
no one seemed to want the perfume, even though the price had 
been reduced to what seemed to me to be a fraction of its cost. 

Another thing which impressed all tourists in Russia at that 
time was the selling methods used in the official stores. The 
addiction of the Russians to standing in queues was nowhere 
more in evidence than in the stores. On entering one always ob- 
served two long queues of customers, one headed toward the 
counters where goods were for sale, and another leading to the 
cash register. You first joined the queue leading to the mer- 
chandise, counters, and after attracting the attention of the hard- 
working clerk, you indicated the article you wished and were 
told the price. If you decided to purchase the article, the clerk 
would lay it aside and hand you a small slip of paper with the 
price noted on it. You then took this slip of paper and joined the 
other line leading to the cash register. When you reached the 
cash register you handed the cashier the slip, with the amount 

MOSCOW IN 35 231 

of money noted thereon. The cashier then rang up your pur- 
chase and handed you a receipt. You then took this receipt 
and joined the first line again. After you reached the counter 
you presented the slip and received your package. 

When I was preparing to leave Moscow, I visited one of the 
more modern food stores to purchase some supplies for the long 
railway trip. After going through the queue procedures, which 
required more than an hour, I found the clerk greatly embar- 
rassed because the store was out of wrapping paper. I also was 
embarrassed, because the article I had purchased was a Russian 
sausage about four inches in diameter and about three feet long. 
I had estimated from its length that this sausage would be suffi- 
cient to supply me for the eleven-day return trip to Vladivostok. 
I now look back upon the incident as my most embarrassing 
experience in Moscow, as I had to carry that naked three-foot 
length of sausage in my hand all the way back to the hotel, a dis- 
tance of more than a mile, through streets crowded with people, 
most of whom looked hungrily at the sausage, and suspiciously 
at the foreigner who carried it. The fact that the store was out of 
wrapping paper was no new experience to residents of Moscow, 
for the paper shortage in that country was almost unbelievable. 
People would ask for a small scrap of paper, whether newspaper 
or of the wrapping variety, for use in making cigarettes. They 
had a way of rolling the paper into a small funnel and then 
filling it with tobacco, which they smoked at a 45 -degree angle 
in order to keep the tobacco from spilling out. The almost com- 
plete absence of practically all types of paper, in a country pos- 
sessing the largest potential supplies of wood-pulp, led to many 
embarrassing situations. 

The chief worry of newspapermen whom I met in the vari- 
ous towns, particularly in Siberia, was over their paper supplies. 
The organizations in charge of supplying paper to the various 
publishing plants were constantly falling down on the job, with 
the result that the papers either had to publish reduced editions, 
or had to skip an edition entirely. Since I had traveled for days 


through Siberian forests, the largest in the world, I naturally was 
surprised at the paper shortage. I was told by the editors that the 
Government did not regard the production of paper as an indus- 
try sufficiently important to have priority over other heavy 

Members of the correspondents corps in Moscow were 
astonished to learn that I had traveled to Moscow by way of 
Vladivostok and the Trans-Siberian Railway, as for several years 
none of them had been permitted to travel in the Ural area or 
Siberia. The cause for this seemed to me obvious. The Soviet 
authorities did not want either of their potential enemies, Japan 
or Germany, to know the details of the industrialization program 
which was being pushed in these regions. Also, the Soviet 
authorities were unwilling to have foreigners observe the forced- 
labor program which was being used in the industrialization 
process. Most foreigners in Moscow were familiar with the 
forced labor which had been used in the construction of the 
White Sea canal, but they had little conception of the extent to 
which it was being used in the development of Siberia. 

I, along with other foreign visitors, was shown a number of 
modern industrial establishments, but very few foreign visitors 
observed another class of establishments with which we were 
once altogether too familiar in the United States. I refer to the 
sweat-shops where one observed, through dirty windows, 
crowded rooms with sweaty men, women, and children working 
over sewing machines or doing hand needle-work. I imagine that 
many of the uniforms for the new army, and much of the 
clothing sold to civilians came from these sweat-shops, despite 
the production of the new plants of which the authorities were 
so proud. 

The famous Moscow subway was nearing completion; it 
turned out to be the Soviet's most baffling job, due to the soft, 
sandy nature of Moscow's soil. I was astonished one day to see 
a large crowd of workers emerging from one of the entrances, 
each carrying a shovel; all of the laborers were women. They 
wore overalls and caps, similar to the men's, and could be distin- 

MOSCOW IN '35 233 

guished only by their voices. I was told by other correspondents 
that it had become so difficult to obtain men for work on the 
subway that the authorities appealed to the women of the coun- 
try to complete the job, which they did with enthusiasm. I was 
also told that the chief object in rushing the construction of the 
subway was to provide air-raid shelters in the event of war. 

I learned about the official censorship of news dispatches one 
night when I was invited to dinner at the home of one of the 
correspondents, Demaree Bess of the Christian Science Monitor. 
There were eight guests, all of them representing leading Ameri- 
can and British papers. We had just been seated at the table 
when there was a telephone call for one of the guests, who was 
correspondent for a New York paper. After a few minutes the 
guest returned, tendered his apologies, and said that he had to 
go to the censor's office totalk about certain alterations in a 
cablegram which he had just filed. In a few minutes there was 
another telephone call, and another guest departed on a similar 
errand. Within an hour almost everyone had departed for the 
censor's office to discuss some statement or other in messages 
filed before dinner. This was repeated almost every day. Occa- 
sionally the correspondents were able to beat the game by send- 
ing copies of their messages by air mail and also by ordinary 
mail, hoping that one of the three would get through. Another 
way of getting messages out was to hand them to travelers leav- 
ing on the night train for Warsaw and Berlin, with instructions 
to file the message after crossing the border. But the Govern- 
ment was sure to retaliate against the correspondent who used 
such methods to elude censorship. A favorite device was to re- 
fuse the correspondent a visa to return, should he leave the 
country for any reason. 

I met Karl Radek, editor of Pravda, at a dinner party given 
by some members of the official Tass News Agency, whom I 
had met in the Far East. Radek had previously been a follower 
of Trotsky, but managed to get on the Stalin band-wagon after 


the Trotsky purge. He was a brilliant journalist, and his edi- 
torials were frequently quoted in the Tass Agency reports. The 
chief topic of conversation at the dinner I attended was a book 
written by William Henry Chamberlin, former Moscow corre- 
spondent of the Christian Science Monitor. Chamberlin's book 
was strongly critical of the Soviet regime, particularly Stalin's 
"collectivist" agricultural program in the Ukraine, where tens 
of thousands of small land owners had been dispossessed when 
Stalin put through his communist agricultural program. It was 
this program which produced most of the forced labor which 
the Soviet authorkies were using in their railway construction 
and industrialization program in the Far East. Radek could not 
understand why Chamberlin had written such a book "after 
being so well treated by the authorities during his ten-year resi- 
dence in the Soviet Union." Radek also referred to other 
correspondents who had lived in Russia and had been "well 
treated," but had later written "unfriendly" things about the 
Soviet Union. He referred particularly to a New York colum- 
nist who had once been associated with Trotsky in the early days 
of the Soviet revolution, but after returning to the United States 
had written unfavorable things about the Soviets. Radek himself 
was a victim of the next purge. 

The political situation in Moscow at the time was tense. 
Fascism in Italy and Germany was riding high, and Moscow was 
also worried over the possibility of war with Japan. The 
U.S.S.R., one of the most primitive countries in the world, with 
a population estimated at 160,000,000, consisting of well over 
a hundred nationalities speaking 180 different dialects, was being 
welded into a modern state capable of defending itself under 
arms against the world's most powerful nations. In its early days 
the Soviet regime had withstood interventionist movements par- 
ticipated in by Britain, France, and America on the European 
front, and Japan and America in Siberia. While the foreign in- 
terventionists and the White Russian reactionaries had been de- 
feated, suspicion engendered during these conflicts still re- 
mained. Russia suspected everybody, and foreigners were con- 

MOSCOW IN 35 235 

stantly watched, as were Russians who associated with foreign- 
ers. The Japanese were under the closest surveillance. 

Unlike Japan, which had started its industrialization program 
by tackling light industry first, Russia began with the heavy 
industries and was building tractor plants, and machine plants, 
was developing iron, coal, and copper mines and building blast 
furnaces at the expense of all but the most essential consumption 
goods. Serious mistakes were being made, partly due to the fact 
that the Russians were sorely lacking in workers possessing 
mechanical skills. 

I heard frequent complaints on the part of the directors of 
various state-owned industries of their apparent inability to 
make consumption equal production. One obvious reason for 
this was the low economic status of the people, but there were 
other reasons. I took along with me a number of American 
magazines, including several popular publications for women. 
There was a tremendous interest in these papers, even among 
those who could not read English, and most of the interest was 
centered in the advertisements. I was constantly questioned 
about the products advertised, particularly articles of clothing, 
personal adornment or service. I soon reached the conclusion 
that the Russians are an advertisement-starved people and that 
the lack of advertising had much to do with the complaint that 
consumption did not keep up with production. The official 
abhorrence of advertising as part of the hated capitalist system 
undoubtedly had an adverse effect on the distribution of the 
limited amount of consumption goods which were produced, but 
apparently could not be sold. 

Interest in the advertisements in my magazines on the part 
of people I met on the trains and in the hotels was eclipsed only 
by interest in some phonograph records I had purchased in 
Shanghai for a friend in Moscow, and of all the records, the ones 
that most delighted the Russians were two Hawaiian hula pieces. 
They nearly wore them out on a squeaky portable phonograph 
someone had on the train. 


I heard an. amusing story concerning Soviet prohibition of 
commercial advertising. The Soviet Government decided to 
establish a canned-goods industry. Machinery was purchased, a 
factory was set up, and an American woman, an authority on 
canning, was brought to Russia as an instructor and technical 
expert in the organizing of the plant. The finished product, con- 
sisting of tinned tomatoes, string-beans, fruits, and other prod- 
ucts, was shipped to the retail stores; but there the product 
stayed on the shelves, because the Russian public was not famil- 
iar with this method of preserving food. An American resident 
who had heard of the predicament wrote a letter to one of the 
Moscow papers suggesting that the products be advertised in the 
customary American fashion. The letter aroused a storm of in- 
dignation with a flood of correspondence in all the newspapers 
reprimanding the bumptious American and condemning all ad- 
vertising as the work of the devilish capitalistic system. The 
surprising outcome was that the correspondence appearing in all 
the newspapers constituted the best possible advertising, and as a 
result of the interest aroused, the canned-goods stocks began to 
move fast. 

Aside from the large number of military men on the trains, 
it seemed to me that the remainder of the space in the passenger 
coaches was taken up by civilians, young and middle-aged men 
carrying brief cases. These earnest individuals were connected 
with the hundred and one government enterprises, factories, 
engineering projects, railway construction, etc., scattered over 
the country. In Moscow one saw these men in the hotels, on the 
streets, sitting or standing in long rows in the reception rooms in 
government offices, waiting for appointments with government 

The concentration of supreme authority in practically every 
field of human endeavor in the hands of a few officials in Mos- 
cow had created an almost unbelievable congestion in the Soviet 
capital. It was said that Moscow was the most crowded city on 
the continent, and I was willing to wager that at least half the 
population was composed of earnest young men carrying brief 

MOSCOW IN ^35 237 

cases and waiting for appointments with the heads of govern- 
ment bureaus. 

This congestion was observable particularly in the old- 
fashioned apartment buildings with which Moscow abounds. 
The Government carefully regulated the size and rents of 
apartments, but it could not regulate the number of friends and 
relatives who moved in on the household. The wife of a Soviet 
official told me that the only intimacy she enjoyed with her hus- 
band was when they went to the theater. She said they had a 
dozen friends and relatives living with them in their two-room 

Moscow is a notable city of theaters, opera, and the ballet, 
most of which I visited while in the Soviet capital. The impor- 
tance of the theater in the lives of the people was also evident in 
other cities and even in the smaller towns of Siberia and North 
Manchuria. In many of the latter the theaters also served as com- 
munity centers or clubs. When I was in Moscow the leading 
state theaters were presenting plays depicting incidents from the 
lives of past great rulers, Peter the Great and Ivan the Terrible. 
My knowledge of the Russian language was insufficient to enable 
me to understand all the fine points of the dramas, but I did 
comprehend the fact that the plays emphasized and glorified the 
importance of the "strong man" in the affairs of state. 

One day as I was walking from Red Square to the Novo 
Moscotia Hotel, I heard voices and saw a dim light through a 
door leading to a semi-basement room in an old stone building. 
I stopped and was surprised to hear a religious chant, the chant 
of the old Russian Orthodox Church, which I had heard at 
special New Year and Easter services at the various White Rus- 
sian churches in Shanghai. I entered the little room and found a 
regular service in progress with about a dozen elderly persons 
present. The walls were covered with ikons. This church, little 
and poor but a church for all that, was located just one block 
from the walls of the Kremlin. Unfortunately the language diffi- 
culty prevented me from obtaining from the venerable priest 


the history of this service conducted within the shadow of the 
Kremlin in "godless" Moscow. It was the only religious service 
I observed in the country during my trip. 

I learned a great deal from my official guide, whom I nick- 
named "Siberian Anna," about the status of women and young 
people in the U.S.S.R. Anna was twenty-two years old and a 
member of the Young Komsomols. Despite her youth she had 
worked three seasons on a floating salmon cannery off the Kam- 
chatka coast and had also helped construct the new town of 
Komsomolsk on the Amur. Soviet publications contained much 
about the new freedom enjoyed by women in the Soviet Union, 
and I was shown the "abortion clinic" in Moscow, where it was 
claimed any woman could go if she did not wish to give birth to 
her baby. I also met young women, particularly in Siberia, who 
had babies but were quite indefinite about the whereabouts of 
the husband and father. 

In Vladivostok I was shown the official bureau where 
divorces were granted to either party for the asking, the only 
charge being the cost of a postage stamp to notify the other 
party. The official in charge, after showing me the records, 
offered to grant me a divorce if I desired one. He said the charge 
would be about twenty cents, due to the higher cost of foreign 
postage, and emphasized the point that the services of attorneys 
were unnecessary. 

Threatening war clouds in both east and west shortly put an 
end to cheap and easy divorces. Stalin closed the Moscow abor- 
tion clinic before I departed from the country. The threat of 
war and the reality of war have caused the Soviet leaders to take 
steps safeguarding the stability of the family and home. The 
parentless children who were still roaming the streets and 
countryside even in the towns of Siberia and North Manchuria 
were rounded up and placed in trade schools* The latest step was 
an order abolishing co-education and providing for separate 
schools for the sexes throughout the country. Specialized educa- 
tion for girl students, designed to encourage home-making, was 
also decreed. Complete "freedom" for women had not worked 
out in actual practice. 


Home, Via Japan 

SINCE THE JAPANESE had refused to permit me to travel through 
Manchukuo on my way from the Far East to Moscow, I knew 
it would be futile for me to apply for a visa for the return trip 
through that province. I was apprehensive that the Japanese 
would not even give me permission to return by way of Japan. I 
knew that when one's name gets on the Japanese military black- 
list, regardless of the reason, it never comes off the list. I won- 
dered whether the animosity of the Japanese military authorities 
over the articles I had written about their Manchurian invasion 
was shared by the civilian government in Tokyo. I decided to 
find out, and called at the Japanese Embassy in Moscow. 

The streets for a half block on each side of the Embassy 
appeared completely deserted, but as I approached the building 
I noticed two or three Russian OGPU guards standing in the 
alleyways and glancing at me curiously. I rang the bell at the 
front door several times without receiving an answer, so went 
around to the side door, which was finally opened by a Japanese 
servant, who took me upstairs. There I was happy to recognize a 
legation secretary whom I had previously known in Mukden, 
Manchuria. His name was Maori. He had gone to school in the 
United States and had been friendly and helpful to me despite 
the animosity of the military authorities. I questioned Maori 
regarding the possibility of getting a visa to return to Shanghai 
by way of Japan. Without hesitation he made the proper entry 
on my passport, and in addition gave me a personal note to the 
Japanese Foreign Minister who, he assured me, would be inter- 
ested in talking to me about my trip across Russia, and particu- 



larly about the situation in the Soviet Far East, which the 
Japanese were watching closely. 

My return trip to Vladivostok was uneventful, but a name- 
sake of mine, Bonney Powell, had to suffer in my stead. He and 
I had previously worked together on several assignments, includ- 
ing the Manchurian invasion, and had frequently experienced 
complications with mail and telegrams due to the similarity of 
our names. He had without difficulty obtained a visa from the 
Japanese embassy in Berlin to return to Shanghai by way of 
Manchukuo, as the Japanese authorities had no black marks 
against him. We therefore traveled across Russia and Siberia at 
the same time but on different trains, and without either being 
aware of the other's presence, he returning by way of Manchu- 
kuo and I by way of Japan. 

When Bonney reached the border town of Manchouli on the 
Siberian-Manchurian border, the Japanese and Manchukuo 
border guards immediately pounced on him and escorted him 
with his baggage, including his newsreel camera and several reels 
of pictures, to a private upstairs room in the railway station on 
the Chinese side of the border. Bonney was held there for nearly 
forty-eight hours while the Japanese examined every scrap of 
paper and every inch of the several newsreels that he carried. He 
had no idea why he was being detained, or why he was subjected 
to this indignity, until one of the Japanese gendarmes produced 
a memorandum he had received from Tokyo which referred to 
an article in the China Weekly Review dealing with the Man- 
chukuo situation. Bonney then realized what had happened; the 
Japanese secret-service men apparently had been tipped off by 
the Japanese embassy in Moscow that I was traveling to the Far 
East, and they had mistaken Bonney for me. After he had con- 
vinced the Japanese that they had the wrong man, they were 
profusely apologetic and immediately returned all of his papers 
and film, although much of the latter had been ruined in the 
process of examination. 

While I was in Vladivostok awaiting the boat for Japan, I 


went to the Japanese consulate, but could raise no one, despite 
repeated knocks at all the doors. The window shutters were 
closed and the building appeared to be deserted, although I saw 
smoke coming from the chimney. I later learned that the Russian 
Embassy in Tokyo was being picketed by the Japanese and that 
the Soviet Ambassador and other members of the Embassy were 
unable to show themselves in the streets or at hotels without 
being followed or spied upon. The Russians in Vladivostok and 
elsewhere had been paying the Japanese back in their own coin, 
the only kind of treatment which they understood. 

The little boat upon which I traveled from Vladivostok to 
Japan stopped at Rashin, one of the new ports which the Japa- 
nese were developing on the upper east coast of Korea. I decided 
that it was not safe for me to go ashore in Korea, but the captain 
of the ship assured me it could be managed. In fact, he urged me 
to do so in order to see the construction work which was going 
on there, and gave me a note to the customs officer of the port. 
I was met at the jetty by a Japanese newspaperman, correspond- 
ent for a Tokyo paper, who I suspected was also a member of 
the gendarmerie. He was quite accommodating and took me all 
over the new port, while at the same time asking me all sorts 
of questions about what I had seen in Russia. 

In the little port everything was new, including the jetties, 
upon which new railway tracks had been built to enable freight 
cars to be loaded directly from army transports. Japanese engi- 
neers and contractors, utilizing the labor of thousands of Chinese 
and Korean coolies, were blasting off the face of the precipitous 
Korean mountains, in order to provide space for the docking 
of ships and for railway tracks. My Japanese newspaperman 
guide assured me that the port of Rashin, together with two 
neighboring ports, Seishin and Yuki, were being rapidly devel- 
oped in order to enable the Japanese army to transport troops 
by rail and sea from the Tokyo district to Central and North 
Manchuria within sixty hours. When he said this he nodded 


significantly toward Vladivostok, and it was obvious that what 
the Japanese had in mind was the encirclement of Vladivostok 
from the land as weU as the sea. 

Immediately following the Japanese invasion of Manchuria 
in the fall of 1931, the Japanese army put a large force of 
laborers to work on a short stretch of track connecting the 
Chinese railway system in Manchuria with the Japanese railway 
which skirts the upper east coast of Korea. 

I spent several hours investigating Rashin, which had the ap- 
pearance of a boom town with hastily built shacklike stores and 
houses lining each side of the new streets. Finally I asked my 
volunteer guide to take me to some Korean houses and stores 
where Korean goods were sold. He shrugged his shoulders and 
said, "Koreans dirty people live back in valley." I persuaded 
him, however, to take me to the Korean section, which I found 
most interesting, particularly the native markets, where I was 
able to purchase several articles of Korean embroidery and 
native jewelry. 

Our ship finally landed at the little Japanese port of Takaoka 
on the west coast of Honshu Island of Japan, where the customs 
inspector accepted my passport visa without question. However, 
he devoted considerable time to an inspection of several books I 
had purchased in Moscow. I doubted whether his limited English 
enabled him to understand the contents of any of the books, and 
was confirmed in this belief when he selected a book and in- 
quired, "What kind of book, this? Ancient, present or future 
history?" I glanced at the title (it was Victor A. YakhontofFs 
"Russia and the Soviet Union in the Far East") and replied, 
"Mostly ancient, very old." This seemed to satisfy him and he 
stamped all my books and permitted me to go to the train. How- 
ever, he confiscated my last remaining tin of tobacco, which I 
had obtained from a friend at the American Embassy in Mos- 

I found civilian authorities in Tokyo friendly and anxious 
to talk to me about conditions in Russia, but I had no luck what- 
ever with the military, the spokesmen being cold and uncom- 


municative. The standard questions were "How many airplane 
bases did you see between Khabarovsk and Vladivostok," "How 
many submarines did you see in Vladivostok," "Will Russia and 
Germany fight?" A few days after my arrival I was invited to 
attend a luncheon at the Imperial Hotel given by the Japan- 
American Society, a sort of "hands across the sea" organization. 
I sat next to the chairman, a well known Japanese ex-parliamen- 
tarian who had recently been appointed director of the so-called 
Japanese "Culture Bureau" which the Japanese had just estab- 
lished in New York. Directly across the table from me was 
Richard J. Walsh, President of the John Day Company and 
publisher of the magazine Asia, edited by his wife, Pearl Buck, 
Our Japanese host explained the object of the Japanese "culture" 
bureau system, which they hoped to extend to Chicago, San 
Francisco, and other cities in the United States. During the 
course of the conversation Mr. Walsh referred to his recent pur- 
chase of Asia Magazine and of plans for expanding the journal 
into an organ of information concerning the Far East. This 
aroused the interest of our Japanese host, who turned to Mr. 
Walsh and said, "Do you need any money? We could give you 
$50,000 a year for advertising Japan." Then apparently realizing 
that I also was a magazine publisher, he turned to me and said, 
"We could also give you $50,000.'" Walsh and I both declined 
his kind offer, which was very revealing as to the purpose of the 
so-called "culture" bureaus, at least from the Japanese point of 

One day in walking from the hotel to the Japanese Foreign 
Office I was accompanied by a well known Japanese newspaper- 
man in Tokyo, Kimpei Sheba, who was born in Honolulu but 
had returned to Japan, to engage in newspaper work. The street 
where we were walking led past the Diet or parliamentary 
building, and I was surprised to see that the sidewalks directly 
in front of the building had been roped off and that pedestrians 
were compelled to walk on the opposite side of the street. There 
were also a considerable number of Japanese policemen in the 


vicinity, I asked Sheba for an explanation, and was told that there 
were six hundred representatives of farmers' organizations in 
Tokyo who were demanding relief from heavy taxes. The police 
were afraid that they might attempt to invade the Diet in order 
to present their petitions. 

That night I mentioned the incident to an American corre- 
spondent who had lived in Japan for several months. He told me 
that he had recently made a trip through the northern Japanese 
prefectures or counties, where there had been reports of con- 
siderable unrest due to poor crops and heavy taxation. He said 
that he found the peasants impoverished and the native inns in the 
villages filled with Japanese agents who were recruiting farm 
and village girls for the cotton mills in Osaka and the geisha 
houses of Tokyo and other large Japanese cities, and also for 
the large towns in Manchuria where Japanese garrisons were 
located. The agents were making contracts with the parents of 
the girls, usually for periods of three years' service. Only the 
most attractive girls were acceptable for the geisha house trade, 
which is a government monopoly. In some instances, where the 
girls were unusually pretty, the parents were advanced as much 
as 1,500 yen (about $700). In addition, a further advance was 
made to the girl for the purchase of suitable clothing, making 
the total amount of her indebtedness to the geisha house about 
2,000 or 2,500 yen. The only way the girl could obtain her 
freedom was by paying off this large sum; and this she would be 
able to do only in case she attracted the attention of some rich 
customer. In practice the girls became slaves of the houses and 
usually remained there while their youthful charms lasted, and 
then drifted into houses of prostitution. 

The sums advanced to girls employed by the Osaka cotton 
mills were much lower, and there was no large outlay for cloth- 
ing. The girls in the cotton mills had to remain on the job for the 
length of their contract, and had to live in the dormitories pro- 
vided by the mills. They could not leave their jobs until the 
expiration of the "contracts." 

The city of Tokyo at that time was filled with so-called 


"beer halls," which remained open both day and night, a Japa- 
nese conception of the American night club. Most of the beer 
halls, particularly those on the Ginza, the main street, occupied 
small rooms with semi-private booths built along the walls. Cus- 
tomers would purchase beer from the girls, who would sit and 
entertain the customer while the beer was being consumed. 
There were usually a half dozen to a dozen girls in each beer 
hall, although some of the more elaborate ones contained as 
many as fifty to one hundred girls each. The girls received a 
commission on their sales, and had to split their tips with the 
house. I visited several of these places and, noticing the calloused 
hands of the girl attendants, inquired the reason. In almost all 
cases the girls had previously worked in the Osaka cotton mills 
and following the expiration of their contracts had gone to 
Tokyo to work in the beer halls, which were little better than 
houses of assignation, as the girls were constantly trying to make 
dates with the customers. I was told there were more than 5,000 
of these beer halls in Tokyo at the time. 

I was reminded of the propaganda which was spread through- 
out Japan and the Far East at the time of the occupation of 
Manchuria in 1931, when the Japanese were told that the occu- 
pation of Manchuria would bring prosperity to the home land 
and that poverty would be banished forever. Since the occupa- 
tion of Manchuria had instead brought more poverty, it was 
obvious that Japan was preparing for still greater military adven- 

I embarked for Shanghai on one of the ships of the American 
President Lines, owned and operated by the United States Gov- 
ernment. The ship upon which I traveled was delayed for two 
days in Kobe Harbor in order to unload the heavy cargo con- 
sisting entirely of American scrap iron. I was curious to see 
what type of scrap was in the cargo, and stood for several hours 
on the jetty watching the cranes lift from the ship's holds, 
and swing over the jetty, enormous bales and piles of motor car 
frames, railway car couplings, heavy steel floor beams from the 


framework of discarded American railway cars, and still heavier 
pieces of fabricated steel which I was told had been taken from 
the razed New York elevated railway. A friend who was con- 
nected with the American branch assembly plant of General 
Motors, located at Osaka, told me that he traveled to work every 
morning on a tram line which skirted the bay. He said that the 
Osaka harbor was literally filled with old ships and hulks which 
the Japanese had purchased abroad and were engaged in dis- 
mantling. He said that the Japanese had grown so expert in dis- 
mantling these ships to obtain the plates and beams for their 
war plants and warship construction that the old boats seemed 
to melt away as he traveled from day to day along the shore 
between Kobe and Osaka. He said that he had seen storage yards 
for scrap iron which covered literally square miles of territory 
in the vicinity of Osaka. 

I had frequently been told in the past that Japan would never 
be able to engage in a major war, because of her shortage of iron. 
It was true that Japan was short of iron, but the so-called strate- 
gists overlooked the greatest iron mine in the world the scrap 
piles of America. An American military attach^ in the Far East 
told me that scrap iron had provided the chief cargo of Ameri- 
can President boats on the Pacific for almost ten years. 

I wrote several stories about the scrap iron scandal, and some 
months later was interested in hearing of a campaign started in 
church and missionary circles in the United States against the 
sale of American scrap iron to Japan. One of the leaders in this 
campaign, a former missionary from Tsingtao, China, told me 
that he had headed a committee which interviewed a man in 
New York who was popularly known as the "scrap iron king 
of America." After the committee explained to him the purpose 
of their visit, that they were trying to prevent the shipment of 
scrap iron to Japan because the Japanese were preparing to wage 
war not only upon China but upon the United States as well, the 
"king of scrap" looked up from his desk and dismissed them 
with the exclamation, "I have scrap iron to sell and will sell it to 
the devil himself if he's got the money to pay for it." 

The Philippines in '36 

THERE WERE DEVELOPMENTS in 1936 which caused interna- 
tional attention, previously centered on China and Japan, to be 
shifted to the Philippines. 

I went to Manila in November of that year, planning to 
cover two important events. One was the inauguration of Gen- 
eral Douglas MacArthur's program for the defense of the Philip- 
pines. The other was the meeting of the thirty-third Interna- 
tional Eucharist Congress, a most important gathering of repre- 
sentatives of the Catholic Church from all parts of the world. It 
was the first time the Congress had ever met in the Philippines, 
the only Catholic country in the Far East. The Congress at- 
tracted a half million Catholics from Far Eastern countries, 
chiefly from China and the Philippines, and was concerned 
primarily with the position of the Church in the face of the 
gathering clouds of war in the Far East. 

The prospect of early independence lent importance to the 
position of the new Philippine Commonwealth in Far Eastern 
politics. Within recent months Manila had been visited by the 
commander of the British fleet in the Far East, who had fired the 
first official salute on behalf of a foreign Power in honor of the 
new President. Other visitors included the British commander- 
in-chief at Singapore and the Governor-General of the Nether- 
lands Indies. On the President boat on which I traveled to Manila 
were several children who were refugees from the civil war in 
Spain. I was told they had been adopted by a wealthy Spanish 
resident of Manila who was one of the chief financial supporters 
of General Franco, the Spanish dictator. 

It struck me as an anomalous situation that the United States 
Government was embargoing shipments of arms and munitions 



to the Spanish republican government while wealthy Spanish 
residents of the Philippines, an American possession, were remit- 
ting large sums to Franco which he was using to purchase mili- 
tary supplies from Hitler and Mussolini. It also struck me as 
significant that Spanish merchants who never were able to pros- 
per when the Philippines were under the Spanish Crown had 
become highly successful after the United States took possession 
of the islands. According to the latest census, there were some 
2,000 Spanish residents of Manila, with several hundred more 
residing in the provinces. Several were rated among the wealthi- 
est residents of the islands. After Congress passed the Inde- 
pendence Act a considerable number took out Philippine citi- 
zenship. In addition to those of strictly Spanish blood there was 
also a large and influential population of Spanish mestizos, that 
is, persons of mixed Spanish and native blood. Since the Philip- 
pines had been a Spanish possession, repercussions from the civil 
war in Spain were felt in the islands, where many of the issues 
involved in the Spanish conflict were also present. 
, In an address delivered in the Manila Stadium before an 
audience of 10,000 students on the eve of the Eucharistic Con- 
gress, His Grace, the Most Reverend Michael J. O'Doherty, 
Archbishop of Manila, referred to the agrarian problem as the 
chief cause of unrest among the masses of the 15,000,000 Fili- 
pinos. He stressed particularly the problem of the large landed 
estates owned chiefly by the Dominican, Augustinian, and Re- 
collecto corporations. This problem extended back into the 
Spanish regime, which had lasted for nearly four centuries 
from the discovery of the islands by Magellan, 1519-1522. It 
was said that Magellan converted the first Filipino, a chieftain 
of the island of Cebu, to the Catholic faith. According to the 
Philippine Handbook, more than ninety per cent of the popula- 
tion are members of the Church, which was described as "the 
most potent organization which had materially and spiritually 
shaped and built the Filipino nation for 375 years." 

Spanish cultural influence in the Philippines as spread 


through the Catholic schools and churches had decreased notice- 
ably in recent years, due to the influx of large numbers of 
American priests and nuns, who are specially trained for service 
in this field. 

William H. Taft, the first Civil Governor, sent out to the 
Philippines by President William McKinley, made the initial at- 
tempt to solve the friar-land problem by purchasing large tracts 
and then selling small holdings to the native tenants on easy pay- 
ments extending over a period of twenty-five years. But this had 
not solved the problem, as it was reported that the large Church 
corporations still owned 400,000 acres of the best rice, tobacco 
and copra lands, plus large realty holdings in the city of Manila. 

President Manuel Quezon told me of his plan to use a bal- 
ance of $30,000,000 belonging to the Philippines, which was 
held in the United States Treasury, to continue the land-pur- 
chase plan inaugurated by Taft a third of a century previously. 

That the matter was urgent was indicated by a summary I 
made of news reports of uprisings of peasant tenants which had 
appeared in the three leading newspapers, the "Bulletin, Tribune, 
and Herald. I found reports of twenty-five such clashes between 
tenants and the police, some involving bloodshed, within a 
period of approximately one month. I was also told that some 
60,000 tenants on lands of the three big Church orders were in 
open rebellion. I was informed that there was little or no trouble 
where the lands were administered by the Church societies 
directly, but the most serious complications had developed 
where Church lands had been turned over to third parties, 
chiefly American and British real estate corporations, to exploit. 

Of greatest seriousness was the organization of a radical 
party known as the Sakdalistas, composed largely of tenant 
farmers and laborers. The name of the party, "Sakdal," in the 
leading native dialect, the Tagalog, meant "we protest." It was 
alleged that the Sakdals were behind most of the recent upris- 
ings, and it was significant also that the communist slogan, 
"United Front Against Fascism," was beginning to be heard in 
Philippine politics. The situation reached a crisis when the 


Sakdals organized widespread rioting on the occasion of the 
inauguration of Manuel Quezon as President of the Common- 
wealth. An investigation was immediately launched, but Benigno 
Ramos, leader of the Sakdals, did not wait for the investigation 
to get under way; he fled to Japan, where he resided for several 
years and continued his propaganda against the Administration 
of President Quezon, and the Americans in the Philippines. Some 
old-time residents remembered back to the days of the insurrec- 
tion of Aguinaldo against the American forces, when it was dis- 
covered that the rebels of that day were also receiving their 
supplies from Japan, the middle-men being renegade Americans 
who operated out of Shanghai. 

Bishop Paul Yu Pin, Vicar Apostolic of Nanking, the leading 
Catholic delegate from China at the Eucharistic Congress in 
Manila, was appointed head of the organization of Chinese 
Catholic Youths and Catholic Action in China. Upon the recom- 
mendation of Archbishop Q'Doherty, so-called Vigilante Com- 
mittees of Catholic Action were set up in every Catholic parish 
for the purpose of studying social and economic problems. As 
to the strength and influence of the Church in China, it was 
reported that the present membership of 3,000,000 was increas- 
ing at the rate of 100,000 a year. 

In view of the growing social unrest, it appeared that the 
decision to develop a strong military force in the Philippines was 
motivated as much by the desire to control social conditions as 
it was to meet the urgent demands of national defense. 

A small army of carpenters was working night and day put- 
ting up temporary barracks. General MacArthur explained his 
program, which called for the training of 40,000 native troops 
a year, extending over a ten-year period, providing an army, of 
between 400,000 and 500,000 men by 1946, the year when inde- 
pendence for the islands would come into effect The men were 
to receive five and a half months' training the first year, with 
briefer periods each year thereafter. 

The original Filipino trainees under the MacArthur-Quezon 
program later became the guerrillas and the Philippine under- 


ground, many of them led by American officers, who gave the 
Japanese so much trouble after their invasion of the islands* 
They also greatly facilitated General MacArthur's re-conquest 
of the archipelago. 

The islands had been divided into ten defense districts, each 
with its mobilization center where equipment for the troops was 
stored. It was expected that by the end of the period the Com- 
monwealth would have a well rounded force of thirty infantry 
divisions. A beginning also had been made in the training of an 
aviation corps, and there was talk of developing a fleet of speedy 
torpedo boats. Considerable difficulty was experienced in obtain- 
ing supplies, even out-moded equipment from the United States. 
Apparently few persons in the United States realized the neces- 
sity of defending the Philippines, and there was much disparage- 
ment of MacArthur's program. One powerful home newspaper 
syndicate advocated cutting the islands adrift or even giving 
them to Japan, as though that would end our responsibilities in 

the Pacific. 


At that time the only armed forces entrusted with the de- 
fense of the new Philippine Commonwealth, consisting of some 
1,400 far-scattered islands, was a small unit, less than a full 
division, of the United States Army. About half of this force 
consisted of the celebrated native Philippine Scouts, 

I found General MacArthur and members of his staff, as well 
as President Manuel Quezon, seriously concerned with happen- 
ings on the Japan-Russia and China- Japan fronts. Since I had 
often visited Manchuria and had recently been in Siberia and 
Japan, I delivered a half dozen addresses before various groups 
at Manila dealing with my experiences in these countries. 

In various talks I had with leading Americans and Filipinos, 
I gained a fairly complete idea of the outstanding problems of 
the new commonwealth, from the standpoint of defense against 
a powerful enemy such as Japan, and I was informed of the 
main features of General MacArthur's plan for the defense of 
the islands. It was based on the fortification of the Inland Sea, 
the connected bodies of water lying between the two main 


islands of Luzon on the north and Mindanao on the south. This 
important body of water, somewhat comparable to the famous 
Inland Sea of Japan, is bounded on the west and southwest by 
the important islands of Mindoro, Panay, Negros, Cebu, and 
Bohol, and on the east by Masbate, Samar, and Leyte. With the 
six entrances to this inland sea fortified with batteries of long- 
range defense guns, an enemy, even a powerful one, would find 
the Philippine fortress a hard nut to crack, particularly if the 
land batteries were supported by an adequate air force with 
sufficient bases and a fleet of speedy torpedo boats with enough 
auxiliary craft to carry military equipment and food supplies to 
the garrisons on southern Luzon. The rich islands to the south 
of Luzon, including the large island of Mindanao, constitute 
the bread-basket of the archipelago. If the inland sea route to 
these islands could be kept open, large forces operating on 
southern Luzon could be supplied almost indefinitely. 

Practically everyone agreed on the wisdom of this phase of 
Philippine defense, but I did not find such unanimity on the 
question of defending Manila, the capital, located on Manila Bay 
in southern Luzon, the most northern island of the Philippine 
group. The island of Luzon, only a few miles south of Formosa, 
is vulnerable to attack from practically all sides, in this day of the 
long range bomber. 

Since earliest times Manila had depended for defense upon 
the rocky fortress of Corregidor, located on an island at the 
entrance to Manila Bay. Before the era of the bomber, Corre- 
gidor was impregnable, but in the 1930'$, with its exposed roads, 
communication lines, and power plant it was practically unde- 
fendable. However, west of the city, between Manila Bay and 
the China Sea, there was a rocky peninsula which our army 
engineers believed could be defended for a considerable period. 
This peninsula, covered with tropical vegetation, was known 
as Bataan, and was destined, a very few years later, to become 
a household word in America. 

There was one question about the Philippines to which I 


never was able to obtain a satisfactory answer. This concerned 
the fundamental problem of population. Why are the Philip- 
pines, probably the richest territory in the Far East from the 
standpoint of natural resources, the most sparsely populated 
Oriental country? With a total land area approximately the same 
as that of Japan and an arable land area probably twice that of 
Japan, the Philippines have a population of only about one fifth 
that of the Japanese islands. 

To the visitor from such densely populated countries as 
China and Japan, Malaya, and the Netherlands Indies, the sparse- 
ness of the population is the most noticeable feature of the 
Philippine Islands. I asked many educated Filipinos for an ex- 
planation, and the reasons which they gave ranged from the high 
infant mortality rate to the effects of the peonage system which 
had prevailed on the big landed estates. In pursuing my inquiry 
I had one amusing experience. I asked the Filipino superintend- 
ent of schools in one of the districts of southern Luzon for an 
explanation. Instead of replying he called his wife and asked her 
how many children they had. She replied, "Fourteen now, next 
month fifteen." The superintendent told me that there was no 
race suicide among the upper strata of the population, where 
large families are the rule, and he felt that the proposed agrarian 
reform, which would provide the peasant farmers with their 
own land holdings, would result in a rapid increase in popula- 

It had often been suggested that a quick way to rectify the 
dearth of population would be to lower the immigration restric- 
tions against the Chinese. There is already a large Chinese popu- 
lation in the islands, but they are chiefly of the merchant and 
professional classes. On occasion there has been strong opposi- 
tion to Chinese businessmen due to their monopolistic control 
in retail trade and the rice industry. On several occasions at- 
tempts have been made to levy discriminatory taxes on Chinese 
businessmen. Once during the Spanish regime there were serious 
anti-Chinese riots in Manila, resulting in the death of many 
Chinese, but in recent years the relations of the Chinese and the 


Filipinos have been friendly and there has been considerable 
intermarriage between Chinese men and Filipino women. The 
number of Chinese mestizos greatly outnumbered those of Span- 
ish nationality. It is said that many of the more prosperous gold 
mines in the Islands were opened by Chinese, some of them dat- 
ing back to the twelfth century, as evidenced by specimens of 
Chinese pottery and implements found in the mines. 

Accompanied by an American familiar with the school sys- 
tem, I visited a number of schools on Luzon Island. The progress 
which had been made in popular education since the landing of 
the original shipload of some six hundred American school 
teachers soon after the occupation in 1898 was evidenced in 
the well filled schoolhouses, which usually occupied the most 
prominent buildings in the towns and villages. 

The original American teachers had long since passed from 
the scene, and their places had been taken by Filipinos, them- 
selves a product of the early schools established by the Ameri- 
cans. The terms of the Independence Act passed by Congress 
required all instruction to be conducted in the English language. 
I had to admit, however, after visiting several of the schools, that 
I was unable to understand much of the English which was 
taught by the native teachers. I did notice, however, that many 
of the children were reading the American comics in the Manila 
papers during the recess period. 

It was while visiting the schools that I came to realize the 
complications which the language problem presented. During 
the long Spanish regime all educated Filipinos learned the Span- 
ish language, which is still taught in some of the Church schools. 
After the American occupation, English became the official and 
commercial language. The rapid growth of nationalism in recent 
years caused the Filipino leaders to advocate the use of Tagalog, 
chief native dialect on the island of Luzon, as the official and 
general language. I was told by an official of the Department of 
Education that there were more than sixty dialects spoken by the 
natives of the various islands, and that many groups were op- 


posed to the Tagalog dialect, which was spoken chiefly in the 
Manila district. 

The public school system and the use of American textbooks 
were undoubtedly largely responsible for the development of 
the democratic system which prevails throughout the nation. It 
was also undoubtedly our policy of initiating local self-govern- 
ment at the very beginning, with a view to ultimate jbndepend- 
ence, that caused the Filipinos, alone among colonial peoples, to 
side with us in the struggle with Japan following Pearl Harbor. 
However, the influence of the Church, in this same connection, 
should not be overlooked. 

I was invited to deliver an address before one of the classes 
at the University of the Philippines, and was astonished at the 
students' knowledge of American history, particularly informa- 
tion concerning outstanding events of national significance, and 
information pertaining to the lives of outstanding characters in 
America history. It occurred to me that the present generation 
of home American high school, college and university students, 
as well as their teachers, could benefit from the American educa- 
tional program originally introduced in the Philippines. 

The Sian Incident 

CHINA HAD EXPERIENCED many crises since the overthrow of 
the Manchu Dynasty in 1911, but none which had more reper- 
cussions, domestic and international, than the Sian Incident of 
December 12, 1936. I was still in the Philippines, but, realizing 
the seriousness of the crisis, hurried back to China. Excitement 
was running high both at Shanghai and at the national capital 
at Nanking when I arrived there a few days before Christmas. 

The kidnaping of Chiang Kai-shek, commander-in-chief of 
the Nationalist armies and head of the National Government, 
practically paralyzed the Nanking Administration and provided 
an opportunity for political dissension and intrigue, which had 
been held in check only by the firm hand of the Generalissimo. 

The confusion in the Government was aggravated by the 
critical political situation prevailing throughout the Far East. 
The countries most deeply concerned, aside from China, were 
Japan and the Soviet Union. Germany and Italy were also in- 
volved, as they were signatories, with Japan, of the so-called 
Anti-Comintern Pact which preceded the later Japanese-Ger- 
man-Italian military alliance. The Anti-Comintern Pact, directed 
at the activities of Soviet Russia and the Third International, 
had been signed in Berlin on November 25, 1936, less than a 
month previously, hence played its part in precipitating the Sian 
Incident as the three Powers, Japan, Germany and Italy, had 
been exerting strong pressure on China to become a member of 
the anti-communist accord. 

The relations between Japan and China, and between Japan 
and Russia, were already at the breaking point, due to Japan's 



occupation of Manchuria and the extension of Japan's military 
activities westward into Inner Mongolia, which bordered on 
Soviet-controlled Outer Mongolia. 

The terms "Inner" and "Outer" as applied to the northern 
and southern sections of Mongolia did not come into general 
use on Chinese maps until after Soviet Russia's occupation of the 
northern or undeveloped section of the territory, shortly after 
the Soviet Revolution in 1917. Inner, or Southern Mongolia, had 
already been cut up into the frontier Chinese provinces of 
Chahar, Suiyuan, and Ningsia, and were settled largely by 
Chinese farmers. Outer, or Northern Mongolia, which was still 
populated by nomadic Mongolian tribes, had been organized by 
the Soviet Russians into the "Mongolian People's Republic" and 
incorporated into the Soviet Union. 

The Russians, long apprehensive, were becoming increas- 
ingly restless because the Japanese in their advance westward 
would shortly be in a position to cut the overland routes through 
Suiyuan and Sinkiang which connected China and the Soviet 

The Soviet Union had already .begun to take steps to coun- 
teract Japan's invasion of Inner Mongolia by sending troops 
into Sinkiang or Chinese Turkestan. The Soviet troops were 
dispatched from the Outer Mongolian province of Altai, which 
the Russians had occupied in 1918 and renamed Tannu Tuva. 
The troops were originally stationed in eastern Sinkiang directly 
on the overland trail and motor road leading from Lanchow, 
Kansu Province, to Urarnchi (Tihwa), capital of Sinkiang, and 
thence to the Russian border. 

The United States also had increasing cause for uneasiness 
regarding the situation in the Far East, because of the expiration 
of the Naval Limitation Treaty with Japan and Great Britain, 
negotiated at the Washington Arms Conference in 1922. Japan 
had finally denounced the treaty and asserted her right to con- 
struct a navy "adequate to her needs." Our naval experts were 
aware that the naval treaty had long been a dead letter, as the 
Japanese had secretly exceeded their building quotas in certain 


types of fighting craft and had completed strategic bases and 
fortifications in the Pacific Islands which they had agreed not to 

As for the British, they were involved in an unexpected 
domestic crisis which overshadowed even their vast interests in 
the Far East. Edward VIII had just relinquished his throne and 
had been succeeded by George VI. Reports of ominous develop- 
ments in the Far Eastern situation were overshadowed by a story 
on the front, page of the North China Daily News, leading 
British paper in Shanghai, which carried the headline, "British 
People Stunned with Disappointment; Deep Resentment that 
Country Had Been Sacrificed for a Woman." Obviously the 
British were in no frame of mind to worry about developments 
in the Far East, when their King-Emperor had relinquished his 
throne in order to marry an American woman. 

Shanghai was seething with rumors concerning the welfare 
of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. The now Chinese-controlled 
China Press, in an attempt to make the best of a bad situation, 
expressed the hope that the mutiny of General Chang Hsueh- 
liang and the Communists at Sian would result in further con- 
solidating national unity. The same sentiment was expressed by 
Dr. H. H. Kung, Minister of Finance, who temporarily suc- 
ceeded Chiang Kai-shek as director of political affairs of the 
government. He declared in an interview that "those who un- 
furled the anti- Japanese banner as a pretext for shielding their 
own questionable political behavior would shortly realize the 
seriousness of the crisis which they had precipitated." 

The Shanghai papers also published a brief dispatch from 
Tokyo which stressed the critical relations between Japan and 
the Soviet Union. The dispatch referred to the arrest of two 
Japanese editors, Katsuhei Zama and Hirokichi Otake, on a 
charge of turning over confidential documents concerning the 
situation in Inner Mongolia to a Russian named Boris Rodov, 
who was an attache of the Soviet Embassy. The documents 
allegedly dealt with the activities of a certain Mongolian Prince 


Teh, who recently had gone over to the Japanese and had been 
appointed chairman of the new puppet Government which the 
Japanese army had set up in Inner Mongolia. Prince Teh, it 
appeared, also had connections in the Russian sphere in Outer 

The secret pact which Japan and Germany were pressing 
China to sign provided for the employment of special Japanese 
advisers to the Chinese Government to watch over communistic 
activities and to exercise control over "unlawful" activities of 
Koreans in China. It also specified the suppression of all anti- 
Japanese activities in China and the appointment of a joint Sino- 
Japanese commission to revise all Chinese schoolbooks. In addi- 
tion to these demands, which were presented to the Chinese 
Foreign Minister, Chang Chun, by the Japanese Ambassador, S. 
Kawagoe, the Japanese were also pressing Generalissimo Chiang 
Kai-shek to agree to what amounted to Japanese suzerainty over 
the political and military affairs of North China. A tentative un- 
derstanding on this subject, known as the "Tangku Truce," 
which had been agreed upon by the Minister of War, General 
Ho Ying-chin, and Japanese General Umetzu, on May 31, 1933, 
had provoked violent anti-government demonstrations by the 
students in Peiping. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek had con- 
tinuously sidestepped the Japanese demands, while working 
strenuously to strengthen China's military position for the show- 
down which he realized was inevitable. His trip to the northwest 
for a conference with General Chang Hsueh-liang and other 
officials in that area was made in an effort to consolidate the 
situation there in the face of the coming clash with the Japanese. 

It was the Generalissimo's second trip to Sian in recent months 
in connection with the critical situation in the northwest, arising 
from the conflicting interests and ambitions of Japan and the 
Soviet Union in Mongolia and the rebellious attitude and political 
intrigue of the Chinese Communists, who were gradually extend- 
ing their influence in the northwest, chiefly in northern Shensi 
and Suiyuan. 

The Chinese communists had increased their army from 


about 25,000 in 1928 to approximately 100,000. Opposed to the 
communists were General Chang Hsueh-liang's army composed 
of some 130,000 former Manchurian troops and some 40,000 
Shensi provincial troops under General Yang Hu-cheng. Both 
groups were underpaid and disgruntled, and an easy prey for 
communist propaganda. 

In order to understand the position of the Chinese Commu- 
nists from the standpoint of domestic Chinese politics, it is neces- 
sary to go back to 1927, when the Communists were expelled 
from the Kuomintang Party and the Government. Unlike the 
situation in other countries where civilian communist move- 
ments exist, the Red faction in China is not only a political 
party but also possesses a well equipped army. 

When Chiang Kai-shek expelled the Communists from the 
party, overthrew the Soviet regime they had set up in Hankow, 
and broke off relations with the U.S.S.R., the Red forces with- 
drew into the inaccessible mountainous districts between Kiangsi 
and Fukien provinces, south of the Yangtze River. Other Red 
forces which had operated in the Canton district and had tried 
(without success) to establish a Soviet Government at the port 
of Swatow, near Canton, had also withdrawn into the mountains 
between Kiangsi and Fukien provinces, where they joined the 
other groups. 

The intention of the Communists to continue their defiance 
of the Central Government was indicated in interviews with 
various Chinese Red officials and their Soviet advisers, and with 
American sympathizers who had fled to Moscow after the over- 
throw of the Red regime at Hankow. Among those who at- 
tempted to paint an optimistic future for communism in China 
were Eugene Chen, former Foreign Minister at Hankow, and 
Michael Borodin, the former Soviet adviser at Hankow. 

But official Moscow had tired of the costly Chinese adven- 
ture, and furthermore, the U.S.S.R. could spare no military or 
naval forces in the Far East capable of dispatching relief to the 
Chinese Communists at their headquarters in the Kiangsi moun- 


tains. The Chinese Soviet regime was therefore forced to shift 
for itself, which it proceeded to do in characteristic fashion by 
issuing paper money, collecting taxes, and instituting a land- 
redistribution program among the farmers in Kiangsi Province, 
where extensive land holdings by the gentry had long been 
responsible for popular discontent among peasant farmers and 
villagers. I still have in my possession a silver dollar minted by 
the Chinese "Soviet Government" which contains the profile of 
Lenin on one side and the sickle and hammer on the other. 

Throughout most of the period from 1928 to 1934, Gen- 
eralissimo Chiang Kai-shek and his associates were occupied in 
consolidating the position of the Nanking Government and 
fighting off rival military factions. 

The Red factions in Kiangsi thus had a breathing spell in 
which to reorganize their Soviet Government and re-establish 
connections with Moscow. But the land-redistribution program 
which the Communists initiated in Kiangsi precipitated a dis- 
astrous famine in Northern Kiangsi and led ultimately to their 
undoing. Strong opposition developed among the land-owning 
gentry of Central China and the Chinese bankers in Shanghai, 
whose loans were defaulted as a result of the socialization (con- 
fiscation) program. Generalissimo Chiang, whose Government 
was also under heavy obligations to the same bankers, was again 
forced to take action against the Chinese Reds. He finally ac- 
complished their evacuation of the Kiangsi mountains by block- 
ading the coast of Fukien Province, building a chain of block- 
houses on the land side which cut off their access to the Yangtze 
River, and air-bombing their mountain bases. 

In mid-October, 1934, the Reds, now numbering approxi- 
mately 90,000 men, quietly slipped out of their mountain hiding 
places and set out in search of a new location. Following the 
mountainous regions along the provincial boundaries in South 
and Southwest China, their trek developed into an epochal 
march of approximately 4,000 miles before they reached their 
new location in the northwest. They were able to make the long 


trip through generally hostile territory, by marching in small 
groups and sticking to the provincial boundaries. In this manner 
they passed through Kweichow and Yunnan provinces in the 
southwest, then turned north along the narrow mountain valleys 
of the Upper Yangtze to Szechwan Province, thence over the 
mountains to Kansu Province, and finally reached northern 
Shensi, where they re-established their Soviet Government at 
the town of Yenan, in territory adjacent to Russian-controlled 
Outer Mongolia. The Reds were led on their long migration by 
two well known Communist leaders, Chu Teh and Mao Tseh- 
tung, both of whom had been trained in Moscow under 
Trotsky and Radek. 

Another Red group under the command of General Ho 
Lung, which had been established in northern Hunan Province, 
also withdrew and joined the Red Government at Yenan. A 
third Red force, which styled itself the "anti- Japanese Fourth 
Army," and had established itself in the mountains of Anhwei 
Province on both banks of the Yangtze River, was broken up 
by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, and part of it was incor- 
porated into the Nanking forces. 

The remnants withdrew to the northwest, but not before 
they had perpetrated one of the worst atrocities against Ameri- 
can missionaries since the Nanking Incident in 1927. Two 
youthful missionaries, the Reverend and Mrs. John Stam, were 
seized with their two-weeks-old baby girl and were publicly 
beheaded. The Stams, both recent graduates of the Moody Bible 
Institute of Chicago, had only recently arrived in China and had 
been assigned to Anhwei Province. Mrs. Stam, while being led 
to the hill where execution took place, hastily wrapped her 
baby in a bundle of old rags and tossed it into a Chinese house 
along the route of march to the execution ground. The baby 
was cared for by friendly Chinese peasants and was later re- 
stored to its grandparents, the Reverend and Mrs. Charles Ernest 
Scott, veteran Presbyterian missionaries in Shantung Province. 

The execution of the Reverend and Mrs. Stam was staged on 
a hill before a large crowd of country people and was accom- 


panied by an outburst of posters, banners and oratory, with the 
bound victims standing by. The speeches and posters denounced 
the United States and world capitalism, and extolled the Soviet 
Union. After the helpless victims had been beheaded, the Reds 
responsible for the atrocity issued a bombastic statement declar- 
ing the execution of the young missionary couple had been 
carried out in retaliation for the action of an American company 
in selling to the Nanking Government airplanes which Gen- 
eralissimo Chiang Kai-shek had used in bombing the Reds out of 
their base in the mountains of KiangsL 

It was estimated that not more than 25,000 out of the original 
Red Army numbering some 90,000 survived the long trek to 
northwest China. However, their strength was quickly replen- 
ished, despite the barren, mountainous, and thinly populated 
nature of the country to which they had migrated. By the 
winter of 1936-37 they again claimed to have 100,000 troops. 

Indications of impending trouble in the northwest had al- 
ready appeared in the Shanghai newspapers in the form of dis- 
patches from Sian telling of student parades and demonstrations 
demanding a cessation of pressure against the Chinese Commu- 
nists and the formation of a "united front" against the Japanese. 
The Chinese Reds also utilized the services of an American 
woman leftist, who delivered speeches which were broadcast in 
both English and Chinese over the Communist radio stations. 
The Chinese Communists were desirous of diverting Japanese 
pressure from their own front and hoped that Chiang Kai-shek 
could be forced to bear the weight of the Japanese onslaught. In 
the background was undoubtedly also the hand of Moscow 
desirous of diverting Japanese pressure from Siberia and Russian- 
controlled Outer Mongolia. The Russians were anxious for 
Japan to become involved still more deeply in China, knowing 
full well that such involvement would ultimately lead to com- 
plications with the United States and Great Britain. Although 
disavowed in Moscow, evidence pointed to Russian influence as 
a vital factor in the Sian incident. 


I first met Chang Hsueh-liang (who played the unheroic role 
of cat's-paw in the Sian Incident) at Mukden, in 1929 on the 
occasion of the brief war between China and the Soviet Union. 
Chang was then known as the "Young Marshal" to distinguish 
him from his late father, Marshal Chang Tso-lin, who, as I have 
told, was assassinated by the Japanese in 1928. 

The Young Marshal was only thirty years old when he fell 
heir to his father's vast fortune and the position of commander- 
in-chief of the Government forces in Manchuria. He was ill pre- 
pared for this responsible post, the most precarious administra- 
tive position in the Chinese republic, as most of his life had been 
spent as a playboy in Mukden, the Manchurian capital, and at 
the old capital (Peking), or in his father's army. He spent one 
year in military school in Japan, and upon his return was ap- 
pointed commander of one of the Manchurian armies. Some- 
where along the line he acquired the opium and morphine habits, 
which remained with him for several years and greatly handi- 
capped his career. He was finally cured by Dr. Miller, an Ameri- 
can Seventh Day Adventist missionary physician at Shanghai. 

Despite this, Chang Hsueh-liang was an ardent Nationalist 
and devoted a considerable portion of his fortune to the develop- 
ment of education in the Manchurian provinces. He endowed 
the National Northeastern University and the Manchurian Mili- 
tary Academy at Mukden, and was in process of developing a 
system of general education throughout Manchuria when the 
Japanese intervened in 1931. The Young Marshal had already 
defied the Japanese in 1928, when he unfurled the Nationalist 
flag over Government offices throughout Manchuria and an- 
nounced that the Manchurian provinces had joined the Nation- 
alist Government at Nanking. Again in 1929 he intervened at 
Peiping to break up a coalition of disgruntled militarists and 
politicians led by Wang Ching-wei which opposed General 
Chiang Kai-shek and the new Government at Nanking. s 

The Young Marshal was a patient in a Peiping hospital when 
the Japanese staged the so-called Manchurian "incident" and 


seized Mukden on the night of September 18, 1931, hence his 
troops in the vicinity of the Manchurian capital offered little 
resistance to the invaders on that fateful occasion. After serving 
in various posts under the Nanking Government, the Young 
Marshal was appointed director of the so-called "bandit-sup- 
pression" headquarters in southern Shensi Province, where his 
chief job was to watch over the activities of the Chinese Com- 
munists, who were again becoming troublesome in the north- 
west. The Young Marshal had a force of 130,000 troops, made 
up largely of remnants of defeated Manchurian armies. There 
were also collected at his headquarters several hundred students 
and teachers who had been forced to leave Manchuria, due to 
the wholesale closing of the schools by the Japanese. Since most 
of his fortune was invested in Manchurian lands, forests, and 
mines which had been seized by the Japanese army, the Young 
Marshal soon found himself in straitened circumstances and 
forced to depend upon the Nanking Government for funds. 
The result was that his troops were poorly paid and his schools 
and governmental departments impoverished. 

It had been known for several months that instead of oppos- 
ing the Reds, the Young Marshal's forces were fraternizing with 
them and permitting them to spread anti-Nanking propaganda 
among the people in his territory. Generalissimo Chiang Kai- 
shek had consistently opposed a policy of conciliation toward 
the Chinese Communists since the original break between the 
Kuomintang and the Reds at Shanghai, Nanking, and Hankow 
in 1927. The Generalissimo regarded the Chinese Reds as crea- 
tures of the Moscow Comintern and refused to negotiate with 
them so long as they maintained their Russian connections and 
their independent position in the northwest. It was thought 
that the Generalissimo intended to dismiss the Young Marshal as 
commander of the anti-Communist headquarters at Sian, and to 
replace him with another member of his staff who would con- 
tinue opposition to the Reds. Three days before the departure 
of the Generalissimo for Sian, the Nanking Executive Yuan 
(Council) had adopted a resolution reaffirming that the Chinese 


foreign policy laid down by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek 
should remain as the guiding principle of the Central Govern- 
ment and that the anti-Communist campaign in Northwest China 
should be continued. Generalissimo Chiang was accompanied on 
the trip to Sian by ten other high government officials, some of 
them army commanders, and a small bodyguard. Among the 
military officers was General Chiang Ting-wen, Pacification 
Commissioner for Fukien Province, who was scheduled to re- 
place the Young Marshal as commander of the anti-Red forces 
in the northwest. 

The northwestern frontier town of Sian where the dramatic 
kidnaping of the Generalissimo and his staff was staged is about 
seven hundred miles inland, due west from the shores of the 
Yellow Sea. Aside from its strategic location on the ancient 
northwest road connecting China and Central Asia, Sian is im- 
portant historically as it was the seat of the Chou Dynasty, 
which had its beginnings about 1122 B.C. and continued more 
than eight centuries. The classical period of Chinese history, 
which produced the famous scholars Confucius, Mencius, Lao 
Tzu, and Mo Tzu, fell within the Chou era, and many of the 
world's finest examples of ancient bronze art have come down to 
us from the graves of Chou rulers in the vicinity of Sian. In this 
area also were staged the wars between the houses of Chou and 
Shang (1400 B.C.) for supremacy over the valleys of the Yellow 
River and its tributary, the Wei, wherein dwelt the ancestors of 
the Chinese people of today. 

It was a fitting stage for the enactment of a modern drama of 
Asiatic politics involving the political interests of China, Japan, 
and Russia, and ultimately of the entire world. 

Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek arrived at Sian by airplane 
on December 7, and established his headquarters at a hot-springs 
resort a short distance outside the city. The Generalissimo was 
welcomed by Shao Li-tze, Civil Governor of Shensi, a former 
newspaper editor from Shanghai, who had been appointed to the 


position by the Central Government. Civil Governor Shao had 
charge of the local police force, which remained loyal to the 
Generalissimo in the complicated developments of the following 
days. It was the first important political mission undertaken by 
the Generalissimo in many months when he was not accom- 
panied by his wife, Mei-ling. 

The days immediately following the Generalissimo's arrival 
at Sian were occupied in conferences between the Generalissimo 
and his staff and the Young Marshal, Chang Hsueh-liang, and 
General Yang Hu-cheng, the provincial military chieftain. Little 
was accomplished, as the Young Marshal and General Yang con- 
stantly insisted on bringing into the conference local groups 
which demanded immediate war against Japan. After four days 
of futile conversation, the Generalissimo informed the Young 
Marshal of the Government's determination to press the cam- 
paign against the Communists. He insisted that it would be 
suicidal to face war with Japan while the Communist army re- 
mained in an independent position in thenorthwest. The Young 
Marshal and his associate, General Yang, insisted that it would 
be better to accept the Reds' terms and form a "united front" of 
national resistance. 

The Young Marshal insisted that the Central Government 
assume responsibility for the financial support and munitioning 
of some 270,000 troops in the northwestern territories. He was 
not, however, in a position to give assurances that the "united 
front" would accept the orders of the commander-in-chief of 
the Nationalist Government. This may explain why the Young 
Marshal had decided to bring the representatives of the Com- 
munists into the negotiations with the Generalissimo. 

Following a heated discussion which left the situation at a 
deadlock, the Generalissimo retired to his private quarters on 
the outskirts of the city, where he was protected by his small 
bodyguard and a contingent of local police. 

The Young Marshal immediately called a meeting of the 
divisional commanders of his forces and those of General Yang 
Hu-cheng, and issued secret orders to move a division of his own 


troops and a regiment of General Yang's troops into the environs 
of the city during the night, and by daylight the coup d'etat was 
complete and the city entirely surrounded. The only resistance 
encountered was from the Generalissimo's small bodyguard and 
a contingent of loyal police at the hot-springs resort where the 
Generalissimo was staying. Aroused by the firing, the Gen- 
eralissimo and one of .his guards escaped from his sleeping quar- 
ters and climbed over a high wall which surrounded the com- 
pound. He might have succeeded in getting away had he not 
sprained his ankle and been forced to hide in an abandoned 
tornb. Here he was found by a young Manchurian officer, who 
escorted him back to the building and ultimately to the city, 
where he was confined in the private quarters of General Yang 
Hu-cheng. The Civil Governor, Shao Li-tze, who with his 
police remained loyal to the Generalissimo, was also arrested 
and detained with Generalissimo Chiang's staff officers. 

The announcement of the detention of the Generalissimo 
created intense excitement throughout the city and was the 
signal for demonstrations, mass meetings, and parades. The city 
was quickly placarded with banners and posters denouncing 
the Japanese-German-Italian Anti-Comintern Pact and demand- 
ing a "united front" against Japan. The radicals were for a 
Soviet-style public trial of the Generalissimo on the charge of 
prosecuting the war against the Reds and failing to declare war 
on Japan. Others favored taking the Generalissimo to some secret 
hiding place in the northwest and holding him as a hostage until 
Nanking called off the anti-Red war. 

Up to this point there was no outward manifestation of Red 
participation in the plot to kidnap the Generalissimo. But the 
hand of the Chinese Communists was soon in evidence after the 
Young Marshal dispatched a plane to the Communist head- 
quarters at Yenan and transported three of the Red leaders to 
Sian. They were Chou En-lai, Political Commissar of the First 
Front Red Army and Deputy Chairman of the Red Military 
Council; Yeh Chien-ying, chief of staff of the East Front Red 


Army; and Pao Ku, head of the Red Secret Police. They were 
accompanied by several secretaries and assistants. Of the three 
Communist envoys, Chou En-lai was remembered as the organ- 
izer of armed laborers, strikers, and pickets in the plot to seize 
Shanghai on behalf of the Communists at the time of the Nation- 
alist Revolution in 1927. Chou was arrested by Generalissimo 
Chiang Kai-shek but was released, whereupon he went to Mos- 
cow for several months, later returning to join the Red regime 
in Northern Shensi. 

Not many hours elapsed before the perpetrators of the Sian 
outrage realized the seriousness of their action. Of particular 
significance were simultaneous disavowals from Moscow and 
Tokyo, each denying any complicity in the plot, but at the same 
time charging each other with the responsibility. The Moscow 
papers printed bombastic reports denouncing the kidnaping of 
the Generalissimo as the work of Wang Ching-wei and the 
Japanese. Government officials in Tokyo charged that Marshal 
Chang Hsueh-liang's action had been inspired by the Com- 
munists, and declared it was an "object lesson" demonstrating 
the necessity of China's joining the Anti-Comintern Pact im- 

The Tokyo paper, Hochi, declared that communist propa- 
ganda for a "united front" was the same, whether in Spain or 
China, and threatened that Japan would take action if Chang 
Hsueh-liang attempted to form an anti-Japanese front with 
Soviet Russia. The liberal Chinese paper, Ta Kung ?ao, charged 
that the Japanese had taken advantage of the Sian crisis to 
increase their pressure on China to sign the anti-communist 
defense agreement. The Tokyo Nichi-NicM declared that the 
Chinese Communist Army of Chu Teh and Mao Tseh-tung was 
steadily gaining in strength and was watching for an oppor- 
tunity to seize the central power in China. 

A Bear by the Tail 

IN NANKING i SAW. A COPY of a circular telegram said to have 
been dispatched from the Young Marshal's headquarters in Sian 
to all important government offices and newspapers in the national 
capital. The telegram explained that the detention of the Gen- 
eralissimo was necessary "in order to stimulate his awakening 
to certain national and international problems." The telegram 
was not signed by any of the principals in the affair, and carried 
only the signatures of divisional commanders of the Young Mar- 
shal's and General Yang's troops. While it contained no signa- 
tures of Communist leaders, it embraced all the demands which 
the Communists had previously made on the Central Govern- 
ment, including a cessation of civil war, the formation of a 
"united front," and the release of political prisoners at Shanghai 
who had been arrested for inciting strikes and for financing 
seditious publications. The telegram demanded a reorganization 
of the governmental offices to admit "all political parties." 
"Finally the telegram demanded that a military alliance be ne- 
gotiated with the Soviet Union. 

Nanking was seething with excitement and unrest, which 
the Government was having difficulty in holding in check. Cer- 
tain military groups were urging the Government to take drastic 
action, including the bombing of Sian and the moving of govern- 
ment troops against the Young Marshal's forces in southern 
Shensi. It was suspected that some of those urging drastic action 
were less interested in rescuing the Generalissimo than in inciting 
the recalcitrant troops to murder him. There was criticism of 
the Generalissimo for having gone to Sian with only a smalj 



bodyguard to negotiate with the Young Marshal, "when he 
should have ordered the army to move against him." The excite- 
ment grew when a telegram, purporting to have been sent by the 
Generalissimo, was received, stating that he had been wounded 
and warning Madame Chiang Kai-shek against attempting to 
come to Sian to assist him. 

Never had the Nanking Government been faced with such 
a predicament, as a hostile move against Sian might well result 
in the assassination of the Generalissimo and at a time of crisis 
when he was practically the only military man in the country 
around whom all factions could rally. 

But help came from an unexpected quarter. 

W. BL Donald, an Australian newspaperman, who had lived 
in China for many years, was in Nanking serving as an adviser 
to the Generalissimo. As soon as he learned of Generalissimo 
Chiang Kai-shek's predicament he went to Dr. H. H. Kung, 
who had been appointed acting head of the Government, and 
volunteered to fly to Sian to investigate the situation and offer 
his services to the Generalissimo. A few years previously Donald 
had served as an adviser on the staff of the Young Marshal, then 
head of the Manchurian Administration, and knew him well. 

Donald had a wide acquaintance with other Chinese officials 
and foreign diplomats, for whom he had performed many impor- 
tant and confidential services, but in all his many years of ex- 
perience he had never been faced with the problem of rescuing 
the head of a government from a rebellious faction determined 
to use this extraordinary method to force an alteration in funda- 
mental state policies. 

Donald had been a cub reporter on a Hong Kong paper 
when James Gordon Bennett of the New York Herald sailed into 
the harbor aboard his palatial yacht on a trip around the world. 
Bennett formed a liking for the youthful reporter, and appointed 
him as the Herald's correspondent in the Far East. 

I first met Donald at the old capital, Peking, during World 
War I when he was serving as the director of a bureau of in- 


formation which the Chinese Government had set up, its first 
attempt at international public relations. 

Due to his long acquaintance with the Young Marshal and 
his familiarity with the complicated political situation, Donald 
was in a position to offer sound advice to both the Young 
Marshal and the Generalissimo. Donald stopped over night at 
Loyang, headquarters of government troops in Honan, where he 
conferred with the commander in charge and also dispatched tele- 
grams to the Young Marshal apprising him of his expected arrival 
the next morning at Sian. While in Loyang Donald also famil- 
iarized himself with the location of the nearest troop concentra- 
tions and air bases. The largest garrison was at Tungkwan, the 
narrow gorgelike pass along the Yellow River leading from 
Honan into Shensi. This pass was held by Nanking troops, 
which could march on the Young Marshal at a moment's notice. 
The same was true of the air base at Loyang, where several 
bombers were available. Donald knew that the presence of the 
Government's forces would have a sobering effect on the Young 
Marshal's officers and on the Communist-inspired students and 
teachers who were advocating drastic action against the person 
of the Generalissimo. 

Donald was met at the Sian air field by a representative of 
the Young Marshal, who escorted him to the latter's headquar- 
ters. Before leaving the air field Donald had an opportunity to 
observe that the Generalissimo's planes were undamaged. After 
a short talk with the Young Marshal, Donald was taken to the 
Generalissimo's quarters, where further discussion took place. 

Donald then wrote a brief report, which he sent to Nanking. 
The report stated that Chiang Kai-shek was not seriously injured, 
and that he desired a competent government official to come to 
Sian to negotiate; it asked that troop movements along the 
Honan-Shensi border be delayed. 

According to Donald's later report, the Young Marshal and 
his associates quickly realized that they "had a bear by the tail," 
for the Generalissimo was adamant in his original position that 
the Communists must be suppressed by force unless they were 


willing to submit to Government control of their army and terri- 
tory. Whenever the Generalissimo tired of listening to the argu- 
ments of his captors he would retire to his quarters and read his 
Bible. In reply to criticisms of his policy toward Japan he handed 
over to his captors a copy of his private diary. Here the rebel 
leaders learned for the first time of Chiang's innermost thoughts 
on Japan and of his efforts to unify the country in preparation 
for the inevitable reckoning with Japan. His captors were par- 
ticularly impressed by a passage in the diary in which the Gen- 
eralissimo uttered a prayer that he might be given ten years in 
which to prepare the country for war. The prayer had been made 
five years previously, hence only half the time he regarded as 
necessary had elapsed. 

When he had received assurances that the Generalissimo would 
not be harmed, Donald returned to Nanking, bringing with 
him General Chiang Tung-wen, who was to have taken over 
the command at Sian if the Young Marshal had refused to 
move against the Communists. 

After hearing Donald's report, the standing committee of the 
Central Executive Committee (or yuan) of the Nanking Gov- 
ernment adopted resolutions branding the Young Marshal a 
rebel and stripping him of all of his official posts and honors. 
They also demanded the immediate release of the Generalissimo 
and ordered a military expedition against the Sian rebels in case 
this demand was not complied with immediately. 

Acting under these instructions General Ho Ying-chin, Min- 
ister of War, ordered the mobilization of twenty divisions of 
troops along the Honan-Shensi border and directed that several 
squadrons of bombers be concentrated at Loyang in western 
Honan to conduct demonstrations over Sian and other border 
cities controlled by the Young Marshal and General Yang Hu~ 
cheng. It was rumored that the Minister of War had issued orders 
for the bombing of the outskirts of Sian but that the orders were 
held up at the urgent request of Madame Chiang Kai-shek, who 
insisted upon going to Sian to join her husband. 


A serious controversy developed over this delay, some officials 
urging that, after all, Madame Chiang Kai-shek was only a wife 
arguing for the life of her husband and that this should not be 
permitted to interfere with vital matters of policy. She was 
charged with using her influence with her brother-in-law, Dr. 
H. H. Kung, to prevent the Government from moving against 
the rebel factions. 

Another controversy developed as to which official of the 
Government should accompany Donald back to Sian and what 
instructions should be given him concerning negotiations, if it 
was decided to negotiate instead of fight. The Young Marshal 
demanded that Dr. H. H. Kung, Finance Minister, be sent to 
Sian with power to negotiate a financial settlement. Donald stated 
that the Generalissimo was adamant in his refusal to negotiate 
under duress, and had merely shrugged his shoulders when in- 
formed that a powerful faction in Nanking was advocating 
military action, including the bombing of Sian. Donald also re- 
ported privately that the dissension which prevailed in the rebel 
camp had prevented the radical factions from getting together on 
any scheme for exploiting the Generalissimo's predicament polit- 
ically; some groups advocated public trial in the Russian fashion, 
while others demanded the staging of a public execution of the 
Generalissimo. Neither the Young Marshal nor Yang Hu-cheng 
wanted the Generalissimo to suffer personal injury or to be 
executed, as such an action would certainly precipitate open 
warfare with the Central Government. The delegates from the 
Communist camp when they arrived at Sian concurred in this 
view, as they likewise did not wish to kill the goose which was 
expected to lay golden eggs. 

When Donald flew back to Sian he was accompanied, not 
by Dr. H. H. Kung, but by Madame Chiang Kai-shek, wife of 
the Generalissimo, and her brother, T. V. Soong, former Finance 
Minister, who was then chairman of the board of the Bank of 
China. Both Soong and his sister were authorized to conduct 
negotiations for the release of the Generalissimo. 


After a brief stop-over and conference with government mili- 
tary leaders at Loyang in Western Honan, the planes carrying 
the Nanking party arrived at Sian on the morning of December 


The representatives of the Nanking Government at Sian, 
aside from Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, were Madame 
Chiang, T. V. Soong, W. H. Donald, and several assistants. On 
the side of the rebels were the Young Marshal Chang Hsueh- 
liang and the provincial militarist, Yang Hu-cheng, and their 
assistants, including a young Manchurian officer, Lieutenant 
Sun Ming-chiu, who probably saved the Generalissimo's life on 
the night of the Sian rebellion. Also in Sian at the time were the 
three representatives of the Communist Party, Chou En-lai, Yeh 
Chien-ying and the mystery man, Pao Ku. They had just arrived 
from the Communist Army headquarters at Yenan in Northern 
Shensi, on a private plane supplied by the Young Marshal. 

The only personal account of the happenings at Sian which 
took place between December ij and Christmas of 1937 which 
has not been published is that of the Young Marshal. He returned 
to Nanking on the same plane with the Generalissimo, but he 
was a prisoner, and has remained a prisoner since, somewhere 
in West China. Of the other participants in the "political drama" 
of Sian, both the Generalissimo and Madame Chiang have issued 
complete reports of their side of the controversy. Generalissimo 
Chiang declared in his diary that he did not sign any agreement 
and insisted throughout the conference on the submission of the 
northwest political and military elements to the Central Govern- 

The Communist angle as well as the Red situation in general 
in Northwest China has been presented voluminously by several 
American writers. 

W. H. Donald, the Australian newspaperman, who served in 
the important role of mediator in the Sian Incident and who 
probably knows more than anyone else about the innermost 
details of the incident, was a prisoner of the Japanese in the 
Philippines. He was engaged in writing his memoirs when the 


Japanese took over the islands, together with his yacht which he 
had built in Hong Kong for a South Seas cruise. He was 
released following General MacArthur's capture of Manila early 
in 1945. 

T. V. Soong, former Finance Minister and Shanghai banker, 
who also played a prominent part in the negotiations for the 
Generalissimo's release, has likewise remained silent. The size 
of the check he is said to have handed over in exchange for the 
release of his illustrious brother-in-law has never been disclosed. 

Since the Sian negotiations were conducted in secret and no 
official report of the outcome was published, there is still specula- 
tion as to what actually happened. The most obvious result of the 
Sian Incident was apparent just seven months later at Peiping. 
It was written in letters of blood for the world to read war! 
War between China and Japan, and ultimately involving the 
entire world. 

One result of the Sian Incident was an unexpected trip abroad 
for Dr. H. H. Kung, Minister of Finance in the Nanking Gov- 
ernment. Dr. Kung's trip resulted from a confidential proposal 
of the Soviet Government that China take steps to form a mili- 
tary alliance against Japan. Moscow was especially anxious that 
the United States be brought into the alliance, but Soviet official- 
dom realized it would be futile for them to make the proposal. 
The Russians therefore urged China to send a mission abroad to 
sound out the various Powers. Russia, in fear of a Japanese attack, 
promised China full military support and agreed to send ample 
military supplies to the Chungking Government by way of the 
ancient highway across Sinkiang. Moscow also promised Nan- 
king that there would be no further conplications concerning 
the Chinese Communists, who would give their full support to 
the Central Government in its resistance to Japanese aggression. 
Dr. Kung did not realize the full import of his mission until 
he reached Berlin and was apprised of Germany's plans to wage 
war against the .Soviet Union. Dr. Kung was told by the Nazi 
leaders to advise his government to join the Anti-Comintern 
Alliance of Germany-Japan-Italy without delay. 


When Dr. Kung reached Moscow he found the Russians 
had cooled on their proposal for a Chinese-United States-Soviet 
anti-Japanese alliance. Moscow now realized that war with Ger- 
many was inevitable, and did not want to do anything to pro- 
voke the Japanese to attack Russsia on the eastern flank. It was 
not long until the Chinese Communists also ceased their attacks 
on the Japanese army in northwestern China. 

Sequel of Sian 

CONTRARY TO EXPECTATIONS in many quarters the outcome 
of the Sian Incident greatly enhanced Generalissimo Chiang Kai- 
shek's prestige. Influential political and military leaders, particu- 
larly in the South, who had refused to give active support to 
Nanking, now declared their readiness to cooperate with the 
Generalissimo in opposing the Japanese. One of the Southern 
politico-military leaders who declared their readiness to support 
Generalissimo Chiang was General Tsai Ting-kai, famous Can- 
tonese commander who had resisted the Japanese invasion of 
Shanghai early in 1932, following the Manchurian Incident. 
Later, General Tsai broke with Nanking and retired to the 
British Colony of Hong Kong. Two other important military 
commanders, General Pai Chung-hsi and General Li Tsung-jen 
of Kwangsi Province, both of whom had distinguished them- 
selves in the Nationalist Revolution, also declared their readiness 
to support Chiang Kai-shek in resisting Japanese aggression. 
General Li Tsung-jen declared that in his opinion China could 
hold out against Japan for ten years. 

The Japanese interpreted the outcome of the Sian affair as 
further evidence of the growth of communism in China, and 
urged that stronger pressure be exerted on Nanking by the Japa- 
nese Government to force China to join the Anti-Comintern 
group. Since the Manchurian Incident the Japanese had confined 
their activities south of the Great Wall to diplomatic pressure 
at Nanking; but there were hints of more ominous moves. The 
Japanese navy had landed sailors and seized the harbor area at 
Tsingtao on the Shantung coast, in retaliation for the action of 



the Chinese customs authorities in attempting to break up a gang 
of Japanese smugglers. There also were strikes of large numbers 
of Chinese laborers in Japanese cotton mills at Tsingtao. Since 
the settlement of the Shantung Question at the Washington 
Arms Limitation Conference in 1922, the Japanese had greatly 
increased their investments at Tsingtao, particularly in cotton 
manufacturing. Relations between the Chinese and Japanese at 
the Shantung port had been generally peaceful up to the time 
of the Manchurian Incident. 

The Japanese army newspaper Shanghai Nippo, commenting 
on the outcome of the Sian rebellion, declared that the Nanking 
Government should now be willing to accept Japan's proposal 
for "joint action against the Russian-supported Chinese Reds." 
The paper declared, "Nanking has now reached the cross-roads 
and must decide the Government's future course. . . . Should 
the Nationalist Government continue to avoid giving a definite 
answer to Japan's proposals and should Generalissimo Chiang 
Kai-shek attempt to carry out the agreement by which his 
release was effected, then the Japanese Government will harden 
its attitude toward China. . . . The Sian episode has made 
Chinese-Japanese relations more critical than before the inci- 
dent." The paper declared that the civil war in Spain was a 
prologue to a new world war, and the Chinese would have to 
decide their attitude toward Japan "according to developments 
in the international situation. . . . Should Chiang Kai-shek 
utilize the new world war for a fight with Japan, he will become 
China's grave-digger." 

In mid-January of 1937 there was a report from Sian stating 
that an American woman "with communist sympathies and hav- 
ing connections with leftist groups in the United States" had 
arrived in Sian and had delivered several addresses before mass 
meetings of students. The report said that several Chinese 
Communist leaders, including Chu Teh, Mao Tseh-tung, Chou 
En-lai, and others had arrived in Sian to confer with her. The 
report alleged that the Shensi War Lord, Yang Hu-cheng, had 
sent an ultimatum to Nanking declaring that if Generalissimo 


Chiang Kai-shek "did not open war immediately on Japan, the 
Communist army would attack the Nanking Government." 

There were further ominous reports from North China, lead- 
ing to the belief that Japan was actively preparing for further ad- 
ventures south of the Great Wall into China proper. Japan had 
been in control of Manchuria for five years, and had converted 
that rich Chinese territory into a tightly controlled Japanese war 
base. Using the forced labor of tens of thousands of Chinese, 
the Japanese had built strategic railways and highways to vul- 
nerable points on the Siberian and Outer Mongolian borders. 
The League of Nations at Geneva, after investigating the Man- 
churian Incident and condemning Japan for stealing her neigh- 
bor's territory, had lapsed into a silence from which it never 
awakened. Both Hitler and Mussolini extended diplomatic rec- 
ognition to Japan's puppet state of Manchukuo. They chose the 
time of the Sian episode for their gesture of contempt for both 
China and the Comintern. ' : * \ 

In view of the large number of reports indicating growing 
uneasiness in North China, I decided to make a trip to Peiping 
and Tientsin, where trouble seemed to be brewing. 

The Japanese were feverishly pushing their plans for further 
military moves, but whether southward into China proper or 
northward into Russian Siberia, or whether in both directions, 
could not be determined. It was no longer a question whether the 
Japanese would strike, but where and when. 

From Peiping I went on to Kalgan, the strategic frontier city 
at the gateway in the Great Wall northwest of the ancient capi- 
tal, Peking, now Peiping. Kalgan is on the border between North 
China and Mongolia, and is located at the intersection of two 
important ancient highways, one leading from Peiping to Urga, 
capital of Mongolia, and the other leading from Peiping west- 
ward to Russia and Central Asia. The railway leading from 
Peiping to Kalgan crosses the famous Nankow Pass in the Great 
Wall, a few miles south of Kalgan. 

Immediately after I arrived at the dusty Mongolian town, I 


went to the yamen or headquarters of General Sung Cheh-yuan, 
who commanded the border defense troops. The Chinese word 
yamen means, literally, "flag-gate," indicating the headquarters 
of the chief military commander. As I entered the compound 
filled with low brick- and mud-walled buildings, I involuntarily 
thought of the long procession of Mongolian conquerors, begin- 
ning with the greatest of all conquerors, Genghis Khan, who had 
ridden their horses through that gateway in the ancient mud- 
walled official compound and held audiences with other equally 
fierce horsemen from the plains, deserts and steppes of northern 
and central Asia. Shortly another conqueror, less picturesque 
than the dashing horsemen of the plains, was destined to pass 
through the same flag-gate. 

The situation in Kalgan became tense as the Japanese com- 
pleted their conquest of Jehol Province, ancient summer home 
of the Manchus located to the north of Peiping, and prepared 
to move westward into Chahar and Suiyuan provinces, which, 
with the province of Ningsia, make up Inner Mongolia. 

There had already been serious fighting between the Japanese 
and General Sung Cheh-yuan's troops on the border between 
Jehol and Chahar. In reply to my questions General Sung assured 
me of his intention to oppose Japanese military penetration into 
Inner Mongolia. I noticed, however, that General Sung appeared 
nervous and apprehensive, and evaded most of my questions. 
That night as I boarded the train back to Peiping, I was sur- 
prised to see General Sung's secretary on the train. The secretary 
admitted that General Sung was also on the train; that he had 
received instructions from Nanking to transfer his headquarters 
to Peiping, where too the situation was becoming critical. Gen- 
eral Sung was one of the few commanders who put up even 
weak resistance to the Japanese in Manchuria. Most of the 
other subordinate commanders under the Young Marshal had 
simply withdrawn their troops without offering battle, saying 
that they were obeying orders from the Nationalist Govern- 
ment at Nanking, that the question of Japan's invasion of Man- 


churia had been referred to the League of Nations, and that 
China had agreed to abide by the League's decision. General 
Sung, however, had put up a fight at the Hsifengkow Pass in 
the Great Wall directly north of Peiping. 

The struggle for the control of Inner Mongolia centered 
about the town of Pailingmiao, located about three hundred miles 
northwest of Kalgan on the northern edge of Suiyuan Province 
adjacent to the Outer Mongolian border. The town was im- 
portant as a communications center, and also was the head- 
quarters of the Mongolian branch of the Buddhist religion. There 
were numerous Lama temples and monasteries and a large con- 
gregation of Lama priests from both Inner and Outer Mongolia 
and Tibet. I had already observed evidence of the fighting at 
Pailingmiao at Peiping, where the curio shops were filled with 
religious pictures, jewelry, and other articles which had been 
looted from the Lama temples in the vicinity of Pailingmiao. 
According to information supplied me by General Sung Cheh- 
yuan, the Japanese had plotted with the young and ambitious 
Mongolian Prince Teh (official name, Teh-Mu-Chu-Keh-Tung- 
Lu-Pu) , to establish a so-called "Great Mongol Empire," which 
was to extend westward from Jehol Province to Sinkiang in cen- 
tral Asia. Pailingmiao, because of its location and religious sig- 
nificance, had been selected as the political capital of the new 
puppet state. Large quantities of military supplies and provisions 
secretly purchased by the Japanese had been sent there in prep- 
aration for a coup d'etat, Japan's ultimate objective being to 
establish a buffer state which would cut off China from direct 
contact with the Soviet Union. 

When the Chinese commander in Suiyuan, General Fu 
Tso-yi, learned of the Japanese plan, he sent troops to Pailingmiao 
and after some fighting occupied the city, including the Lama 
temples. A number of Japanese agents and spies found in the 
city were executed. 

The penetration of the Japanese army into Chahar and Sui- 
yuan provinces from the Japanese base in Jehol was finally 
blocked at Paotow, at the end of the railway, which is about 


four hundred miles west of Peiping on the upper reaches of the 
Hwangho, or Yellow River. This had marked the most western 
point of Japanese penetration, and probably indicates the mutu- 
ally agreed-upon line of demarcation between the Japanese and 
Russian spheres of influence in China's northwestern territories. 
The Chinese Communist Army's territory is directly west of this 
area, within the Russian sphere. 

With their position thus consolidated in both Manchuria and 
Inner Mongolia, the Japanese army leaders were ready for fur- 
ther ambitious moves. Would their next advance be north or 
south? I did not have to wait long for an answer. 

In his new position as head of the Political Council at 
Peiping, General Sung Cheh-yuan had to face the new Japanese 
onslaught on China proper south of the Great Wall. The Japa- 
nese had already begun the "softening" process preliminary to 
more drastic moves. An ultimatum was presented to the Peiping 
Political Council forcing that body to consent to the demilitariza- 
tion of twenty-two hsiens or counties of the northern area of 
Hopei Province lying directly south of the Great Wall. Follow- 
ing the withdrawal of Chinese troops, the Japanese formed a 
puppet administration in the district, which they called the "East 
Hopei Anti-Communist and Autonomous Government." 

I interviewed the head of the puppet set-up, a Chinese named 
Yin Ju-keng, at his headquarters a few miles east of Peiping. He 
admitted his role without shame, and disclosed interesting details 
of Japanese procedure in dealing with the inhabitants of terri- 
tories occupied by the Japanese army. First, the Japanese army 
appointed advisers to serve with each county magistrate through- 
out the area. The advisers were specially trained in schools set 
up for the purpose in Tokyo and in Manchuria. The Japanese 
army then ordered the gentry or property owners of the district 
to raise a "peace preservation corps," which was trained and 
officered by Japanese army men. All Chinese farmers were com- 
pelled to join cooperative societies, which were controlled by the 
Japanese. All textbooks in the school had to be purchased from 


the "Sino-Japanese Cultural Society/ 5 and every school was re- 
quired to subscribe to and keep on file certain specified puppet 
newspapers. All middle schools were ordered to employ Japanese 
teachers to give instruction in the Japanese language, and the 
Japanese teachers had orders to deliver daily "advisory speeches" 
to the pupils. There was established in each city and town a Japa- 
nese-language "research council" for the purpose of teaching and 
interpreting the Japanese language to Chinese adults. 

As a result of the expulsion of Chinese police and customs 
officials, the district became the center of vast smuggling and 
narcotic enterprises participated in by Japanese, Koreans, and 
Chinese criminals. 

When I arrived in Tientsin early in June, 1937, I found the 
Chinese population absorbed in what the newspapers called the 
"corpse mystery." The sensation completely eclipsed local inter- 
est in the approaching war. 

Prominently displayed on the front pages of the Chinese 
papers was an announcement by the Provincial Governor, Gen- 
eral Sung Cheh-yuan, that a reward of $5,000 would be paid to 
anyone supplying information concerning 107 corpses which had 
been found floating in the Hai-ho, the tidal river which connects 
Tientsin with the sea. The bodies were all of the male sex, and 
ranged from twenty to forty years of age. None of the bodies, 
it was said, showed evidence of physical violence. 

When I called at the local Defense Commissioner's office to 
inquire concerning the mystery, I was shown a number of 
pictures of bodies which had been removed from the river. My 
attention was directed to a particular group of six bodies, one 
of which had "come alive," after being dragged from the water. 
It appeared that this man had fallen, or had been thrown, into 
a shallow place where his face had not been submerged. He was 
sent to a hospital and, upon regaining consciousness, disclosed 
the mystery of the 107 corpses. This man, named Chia Yung-chi, 
thirty years of age, was found to be suffering from heroin 
poisoning. All he remembered was that he had accompanied a 


number of fellow peasant laborers from the interior, to a resort 
in the Japanese Concession where opium and heroin were being 
smoked. He had considerable money in his pocket, representing 
his savings from a season's work in Manchuria. His money and 
most of his clothing were gone when he was dragged from the 
river. The last he remembered was that he had smoked some 
heroin cigarettes which a girl had sold to him in the resort. 

Investigation disclosed that all of the corpses which had been 
fished out of the river probably represented victims of heroin 
and opium dens operated by the Japanese in their Concession at 
Tientsin. The 107 bodies recovered were probably a small per- 
centage of the actual number of victims, as the tide in the river 
was strong at that point and might have swept most of them out 
to sea. It was disclosed that it had long been the practice of the 
police in the Japanese Concession to send a truck through the 
streets and alleys of the section where the dope dens were located, 
to pick up the bodies of victims, transport them to the river bank, 
and dump them in when the tide was running out to sea. It was 
said that the police who collected the bodies paid little attention 
to whether the victims were alive or dead. In the winter when 
the river was frozen, the bodies were dumped through a hole in 
the ice. 

As a result of the disclosure, the Chinese municipality and 
provincial authorities established cheap hostels where the la- 
borers were looked after until they could be sent back to their 
homes. Tientsin had always served as a vast labor camp where 
coolie laborers from the interior provinces congregated while 
waiting for employment by labor contractors who transported 
them to Manchuria for work on railroad, mine, or forestry 
projects. After the Japanese occupied the Manchurian provinces 
they restricted the influx of Chinese laborers and farmers from 
North China, but this had little effect on the number which 
flocked into Tientsin looking for jobs. 

I visited several of the cheap hostels which the local Chinese 
authorities set up to take care of the laborers, and careful inquiry 


showed that a large percentage had become addicts of the Japa- 
nese heroin traffic which had practically superseded the older 
opium-smoking habits of the wealthier classes of the Chinese. The 
Chinese administered heroin in two ways, by hypodermic injec- 
tion in the forearms, or by smoking the powder in cigarettes. 
In many of the low-class heroin dives which I inspected I ob- 
served Chinese young men purchasing small packets of heroin 
in the form of white powder for as low a price as ten or twenty 
cents. They would take an ordinary cigarette and shake out 
about a quarter of the tobacco, then fill the empty part with 
heroin powder. In smoking they would carefully hold the ciga- 
rette at a 45-degree angle in order to prevent the heroin from 
spilling out. Japanese dealers also sold patent cigarette holders 
with the bowl or receptacle set at an angle on top of the stem in 
order to facilitate the smoking of heroin cigarettes. The Chinese 
name for this type was "airplane smokes." 

I was told that the heroin habit acquired in this way was prac- 
tically impossible to break. I visited the streets named Hashidate, 
Hanazowa, Kotobuko, Komai and others in the Japanese Con- 
cession, where practically every shop was given over to heroin 
manufacture or sale. I was accompanied on the trip by a New 
York business acquaintance, and when we reached one of the 
streets our taxi was practically mobbed by "runners" from the 
various houses soliciting our trade. The shops, which usually 
had sleeping quarters upstairs, were easily distinguished by a sign 
extending out from the wall upon which were written two 
Chinese characters reading "Yang Hang," meaning "Foreign 
Firm." The Japanese and Korean proprietors used the name 
"Foreign Firm" supposedly for the purpose of creating the im- 
pression among the customers that the shops were owned by 

A further type of heroin-dispensing resort which was prev- 
alent in Manchurian cities and was also found in Tientsin con- 
sisted of an ordinary type of residence, on the front of which 
was constructed a boxlike structure resembling a large vestibule. 
Heroin addicts would enter the vestibule and knock on the door 


leading into the house. A small sliding panel would be opened, 
and the customer would be told to thrust his bared arm through 
the aperture, with the appropriate amount of money in his hand. 
The money would be taken, and the customer would receive a 
hypodermic jab in his arm. . ' 

The production of heroin in Japanese factories in Tientsin 
and Dairen had grown to enormous proportions, but prepared 
opium for old-fashioned smoking purposes was still in sufficient 
demand to enable the Japanese to maintain an elaborate establish- 
ment consisting of a large hotel which had been adapted for the 
purpose. The furniture was removed and in its place were sub- 
stituted cheap wooden platforms or bunks covered with grass 
matting and a small hard pillow or head-rest at the end. A narrow 
aisle extending down the center of the room provided access to 
the beds or divans. The smokers would come in, usually in pairs, 
frequently a man and woman. They would recline on the mat- 
ting bunks facing each other, with the opium paraphernalia be- 
tween them. An attendant, usually a little Korean girl about ten 
or twelve years old, would then bring two pipes, a small alcohol 
lamp, and a small tin or porcelain container holding the opium, 
which resembled thick black molasses. Taking a small metal wire 
resembling a knitting needle, the girl attendant would dip one 
end into the sticky opium and turn it about until she had accumu- 
lated a considerable portion on the end of the wire. She would 
then hold the opium over the flame and revolve it rapidly in 
order to prevent it from igniting into a blaze. After the little ball 
of opium had begun to smoke the girl attendant would quickly 
remove it and hold the smoking ball on the end of the wire 
directly over the small aperture in the metal bowl of the pipe. 
The smoker would draw a deep breath, filling his lungs with the 
sickeningly sweet fumes of the opium. They would repeat the 
process two or three times, until they fell asleep. Each process 
was called a "pipe'* or a "smoke," and usually cost one dollar in 
Chinese currency, equivalent to about thirty cents in American 
currency. If the house also supplied the woman companion, the 
charge was usually five dollars. 


The establishment which I visited was located on Asahi Road, 
the chief street in the Japanese Concession. There were probably 
two dozen rooms on each of the six floors, and each room con- 
tained divans for ten or fifteen smokers. There was no privacy 
for the smokers, and there was no attempt at concealment, as 
the house was open the full twenty-four hours and was brilliantly 
illuminated. Fumes of the burning opium in hundreds of pipes 
could be smelled a block away. 

The Chinese authorities, unable to prevent the wholesale 
debauchery of their citizens who resided within the Japanese 
Concession, adopted drastic regulations, including the death pen- 
alty, for opium smokers and dealers in the surrounding Chinese- 
controlled territory. But the Chinese fight against the narcotic 
evil was a futile struggle, because opium and its derivatives, 
morphine and heroin, were as much a part of Japanese aggression 
as were the rifles in the hands of Japanese soldiers. Japanese laws 
against the use of narcotics in Japan were rigorously enforced. No 
Japanese subject was permitted to use or dispense narcotics in 
Japan, but thousands of Japanese and Korean subjects of Japan 
are encouraged to engage in the traffic among subject peoples 
in occupied territory on the continent and insular possessions. 
The intimate connection between the Imperial Japanese Army 
and the drug traffic probably will not be disclosed until Japan 
has her overdue revolutionary housecleaning, but it was alleged 
that the morphine and heroin factories at Tientsin and Dairen 
were operated directly by the Special Service Section of the 
army. (In Shanghai the opium-smoking resorts which operated 
in connection with the gambling establishments were certainly 
controlled by the S.S.S.) 

Heroin and morphine were not the only products being 
smuggled in by the Japanese at that time, W. R. Myers, an 
American citizen, who occupied the post of Commissioner of the 
Chinese Maritime Customs at Tientsin, told me that Japanese 
merchandise smuggled into North China from the Japanese 
zone and Manchuria amounted to about $10,000,000 monthly, 
despite the fact that the Chinese authorities were able to seize 


about one-third before it reached its destination. The merchan- 
dise, consisting of cotton goods, rayon, sugar, kerosene, and ciga- 
rettes, usually arrived at isolated customs stations on armed trucks 
about midnight. After driving away the guards the trucks would 
proceed to inland points where the materials were sold at bargain 
prices. An American merchant at Tientsin showed me a circular 
he received from a Japanese customs broker offering his services 
in smuggling in American goods at fees far below the Chinese 
customs rates. 

Of most serious import, the "demilitarized zone" served as a 
concentration and training base for Japanese soldiers brought in 
from Manchuria and Japan. 

Most persons thought the Japanese blow would fall at the 
port of Tientsin, where the situation had been strained for many 
months, due to widespread purchase of land and industrial prop- 
erty by Japanese speculators in violation of Chinese orders 
against the sale of real estate to aliens. Tipped off by friends in 
the army, hordes of Japanese adventurers flocked to Tientsin to 
purchase land and developed property, in expectation of hand- 
some profits following the Japanese intervention. 

A member of the staff of the American consulate at Tientsin 
called my attention to a report he had translated from one of 
the Chinese papers, stating that an organization of Japanese 
known as the "Sacred Farming Society" had purchased a large 
tract of land a few miles from Tientsin, and that serious opposi- 
tion had developed among the Chinese farmers in the vicinity. 
The land was unsuitable for agriculture, but despite this and the 
opposition of the Chinese, the head of the Japanese group, one 
Eizo Shima by name, declared that he possessed a secret method 
for removing alkali from soil and that his object was to promote 
Chinese- Japanese friendship by teaching the Chinese improved 
methods of farming and gardening. Accompanied by my friend 
Mr. Ward, of the American consulate, I visited the Japanese 
farming project which the Chinese designated as "God's Farm- 
ers." We found the place in confusion. A number of small houses 
which the Japanese had constructed in the manner of squatters' 


huts were smoking ruins. The Japanese claimed that Chinese 
marauders crept up at night and poured gasoline on the thatched 
roofs and set them on fire. All of the Japanese wore semi-military 
uniforms and were of the ronin type. Ward and I looked at each 
other and exclaimed involuntarily, "frame-up," as it had all the 
earmarks of a planted incident and we could imagine headlines 
in the Japanese papers charging the Chinese with interfering 
with a Japanese enterprise. 

The "sacred farm" affair occurred on June 12, less than a 
month before the actual outbreak of hostilities, which did not 
occur at Tientsin, after all. The exposure of the "sacred farm" 
affair in the China Weekly Review and other papers may have 
caused the army to change its plans. 

Late in June the Japanese Government presented a secret ulti- 
matum to the Peiping Political Council demanding that it join in 
a "Central Economic Council" embracing the territories of Man- 
chukuo, Korea, and North China. Peiping was asked to send 
delegates to a conference at Dairen, Manchuria, which was 
scheduled to create an "organic continental bloc," the first objec- 
tive of which was to promote heavy or war industries. Other 
subjects on the agenda included elimination of trade barriers, 
coordination of production, standardization of products, coordi- 
nation and linking-up of similar industries in the three continental 
territories with those in Japan. It was the Japanese conception 
of a "cartel" arrangement. News of the ultimatum was dis- 
closed in the press of Tientsin on July 4. Fighting broke out 
between the forces of Japan and China near Peiping three days 
later, or on July 7. 

The Japanese army followed its usual procedure and prepared 
an "incident." 

Since the Boxer Rebellion in 1900, when Chinese fanatics 
besieged the foreign diplomats at Peiping, the various foreign 
Powers had maintained small "token" forces in the old Chinese 
capital for the purpose of guarding the legations. The force at 


the American Legation usually consisted of some 250 Marines. 
The British, French, Italians, and, occasionally, other powers, 
maintained similar small forces, as also had the Germans, Aus- 
trians and Russians prior to World War I. The Japanese, how- 
ever, maintained a considerably larger force, usually a full regi- 

It was the custom of the various foreign units to conduct 
their exercise drills and maneuvers on the glacis surrounding the 
wall about the Legation Quarter in Peiping. But not so the Japa- 
nese; they insisted on holding their maneuvers in the countryside 
several miles outside the city and at night. 

On the evening of July 7, at about 10 o'clock, the Japanese 
troops were staging a sham battle near the village of Lukouchiao 
(Marco Polo Bridge), about twenty miles west of Peiping. The 
scene of the maneuvers was near the intersection of the two 
important railways which serve Peiping. Japanese officers claimed 
their troops were fired on by soldiers of the Chinese 2pth Army, 
which was under the command of General Sung Cheh-yuan. 
The Japanese immediately made drastic demands; that Chinese 
troops be withdrawn from strategic points about Peiping; that 
the Japanese be permitted to search villages in the vicinity of the 
Marco Polo Bridge; that the Chinese troops were inspired by 
Communists, hence the Chinese authorities should cooperate with 
the Japanese in eradicating them; that the Chinese military 
authorities should apologize, and punish the culprits. The Japa- 
nese claimed that one of their soldiers had been kidnaped in one 
of the villages, but the man was later found in a "sing-song" 

The Chinese agreed to appoint members of a joint commis- 
sion to investigate, but fighting broke out before the commission 
got started. Japanese military planes flew over the district and 
dropped leaflets ordering the Chinese troops to withdraw from 
the area. Both sides brought in reinforcements, and the clashes 
grew in intensity. The Chinese seized the airport where Japanese 
planes from Tokyo landed, and the Japanese retaliated by seiz- 


ing the railway junctions. Martial law was enforced in Peiping, 
and the city gates were closed. There were intermittent clashes 
and truces, until the commanders agreed to withdraw their 
troops to opposite sides of the small Yungting River. Suddenly 
the Japanese barricaded the gates to their quarters in the Legation 
Quarter and manned them with machine guns. By July 1 3 large 
bodies of troops began to arrive from Manchuria, and fighting 
about the city grew in intensity. The Tokyo papers demanded a 
"show-down" in North China, claiming that North China was 
"swept" by anti- Japanese propaganda inspired by the Com- 

The war was on. 


Mounting Tension 

i End of "Wait and Set? 9 

IN THE SUMMER OF 1937, a ^ ter Ae Japanese had intervened in 
North China but before they attacked Shanghai, I boarded a little 
Chinese steamer, the Sanpeb, for a week-end trip down the China 
coast to the Chusan Islands. I was accompanied on the trip by 
James Howes, secretary of the American Chamber of Com- 
merce, and his son. Much to our surprise the boat, which 
belonged to a well known Chinese company, had a German 
captain and flew the Nazi swastika flag after it cleared the harbor 
limits. The captain told me that all the coastal steamers belong- 
ing to this particular Chinese company had been taken over by 
a German concern. I noticed, however, soon after the ship was 
under way, that the German captain had practically nothing to 
do with its operation, which was still controlled by the Chinese 
officers and crew. The Nazi captain emerged from his cabin 
and showed himself on deck, in his new uniform, only when 
the boat was in port, or when it was passing a Japanese warship. 
He received a handsome salary for this service, and the reason 
was obvious: the Chinese expected the war to spread to the 
Yangtze Valley, and had made a paper transfer of their ships 
to a German company in the expectation that the Japanese 
would not seize the ships if they were under the Nazi flag. 

As the little Sanpeh slowly steamed down the Whangpoo to 
the Woosung breakwater and the broad muddy mouth of the 
Yangtze, we passed an unusually large number of Japanese 
destroyers parked in groups of two, three, and four along the 
river with a half dozen more anchored just outside the break- 

2 93 


water at Woosung. As the officers of the Japanese warship care- 
fully inspected the Sanpeh through their glasses as we passed 
alongside in the narrow river, it was impossible to escape a feel- 
ing of apprehension; and I wondered whether the little Chinese 
ship with its Nazi camouflage would be able to run the Japanese 
gantlet on the return voyage up the Whangpoo. 

We landed at Chusan, which is the largest of a group of islands 
scattered about the rnouth of Hangchow Bay, a wide, shallow, 
V-shaped estuary which cuts into the China coast about 1 50 miles 
south of Shanghai. It is approximately thirty miles long and fifteen 
miles wide, with a fairly good harbor. In the middle of the Eight- 
eenth Century, when the Chinese rulers would have no dealings 
with foreign barbarians, the East India Company was compelled 
to establish bases for trading on islands off the China coast. One 
of these bases was later destined to become the Crown Colony of 
Hong Kong, famous center of international trade and politics. 
The other, now practically unknown, even to the map-makers, 
was the island of Chusan. For many years Chusan was a hive of 
business and naval activity, resounding to the shouts and tread 
of British sailors, soldiers, and traders. Its importance ceased 
after the opening of Shanghai to British and world trade in the 
middle of the last century, and at the time of my visit it was little 
more than a sleepy fishing village. 

I had a letter of introduction to the principal of the Chusan 
Middle School, one of several educational institutions on the 
'island which were supported by the American Baptist mission. 
I was not surprised when Professor Fong told me that a squadron 
of Japanese destroyers recently had called at Chusan and had 
taken soundings in the harbor. This information provided the 
first clue to future Japanese activities along the coast to the 
south of Shanghai. I had cause to remember my visit to Chusan 
after I was thrown into prison and the Japanese gendarmes had 
rifled the files in my office. 

Professor Fong took me to see the old cemetery where several 
hundred British and French soldiers and sailors were buried. 


Some of the graves dated back to the days of the old British 
East India Company, in the middle of the Eighteenth Century, 
but most of the European occupants of these forgotten graves 
lost their lives through disease or wounds suffered in the Anglo- 
French wars with China in the middle of the last century. 

The East India Company had selected Chusan Island as a 
trading base for Central China on account of its location near 
the port of Ningpo, chief city of Chekiang Province, which 
was, at that time, the main source of Chinese tea. Since opium 
bulked large among the products exchanged for tea, this was an 
added reason for the selection of Chusan as a trading post, as the 
location of the island facilitated smuggling. 

Ningpo was once a household word in the United States. 
Much of the tea carried on the fast-sailing clipper ships came 
from that city and was sold in American stores as "Ningpo" 
tea. It was one of the early centers in China for Protestant 
missionary work. Many of the early American Consuls who 
served at Ningpo were missionaries; one, named Cunningham, 
died in Ningpo, and his body lies today in the old Ningpo 
cemetery surrounded by the graves of his six wives. Many of his 
reports to the State Department were appeals for an increase in 
salary, as he found it difficult to live on the salary of $1,000 a 
year which the department allowed him. Another early Ameri- 
can Consul at Ningpo, Townsend Harris, negotiated our first 
commercial treaty with Japan, following the opening of that 
country, by Commodore Perry, to American and world trade. 
The Harris treaty with Japan was signed in 1858, following 
which Harris became a teacher of political economy to the 
Japanese. In one of his early dispatches to the State Department, 
Harris made an interesting observation. He said that the common 
people of Japan were well disposed toward foreigners, but "the 
officials are the greatest liars on earth." 

The suspicion of the Chusan professor and myself concern- 
ing further Japanese activities in that region was borne out by 
later events, for shortly after my return to Shanghai I received 
a letter from Professor Fong stating that a Japanese naval con- 


tingent had taken over the island. He stated that he had barely 
managed to escape with his wife and children to Ningpo aboard 
a junk. Later he informed me that history was repeating itself 
at Chusan, as the Japanese had converted the island into a base 
for a vast smuggling trade extending along the China coast as 
far south as Canton. As one might suspect, opium and Japanese 
narcotics were again chief articles of the new trade. The Jap- 
anese navy established a base at Chusan, and after the passage of 
a century the island has again become a hive of military activity. 

In the meantime, at Nanking, Generalissimo Chiang Kai- 
shek was being attacked and ridiculed for his "wait and see" 
policy. Some reactionaries were demanding that, as a means of 
appeasing the enemy, Chiang resign and withdraw completely 
from participation in national affairs. Faced with dissension at 
home and attacks from abroad, the head of the National Govern- 
ment could no longer delay action. The Generalissimo an- 
nounced, in an interview with the Central Press on August 
first: "I declare again that China does not seek war, but we will 
accept war if it is forced on us. We have reached the limit of 
our endurance." 

Chinese troops in North China, evicted from Peiping and 
Tientsin, had withdrawn to the "last line of defense" along the 
Yellow River and the Lunghai Railway. The Japanese were 
bombing this line daily, and their future intentions were indi- 
cated by massing of troops and mechanized equipment in the 
evacuated districts. At Tientsin the Japanese bombed and com- 
pletely destroyed Nankai University, one of the leading Chinese 
educational institutions of North China. The Japanese charged 
that the university had been a center of anti-Japanese activities. 
The real reason was that the Japanese had discovered that two 
sons of the president of the school, Dr. Chang Po-ling, were 
aviators in the Chinese Air Corps. On August 3 a flotilla of nine 
Japanese warships entered the harbor at Swatow, near Canton, 
and demanded the resignation of the local Chinese commander, 


on the ground that he had encouraged a strike of Chinese wharf 
coolies who were loading a Japanese ship in the harbor. Chinese 
military commanders in Central and South China met at Nan- 
king to consider the threatening situation, and the National 
Government decided to evacuate all Chinese residents from 
Japan. On August 7 the Japanese ordered the evacuation of all 
Japanese nationals from Hankow and other points in the Yangtze 
Valley and South China. 

Early in August the Shanghai Nippo, a Japanese mouthpiece, 
charged that the Chinese had violated the neutrality agreement 
of 1932 by bringing in 2,000 men to strengthen the local Peace 
Preservation Corps. On August 9, General Sugiyama, Jap- 
anese War Minister, declared that China "must be chastised for 
her insincerity" and that Japan's non-aggression policy must be 

That evening an officer and a sailor of the Japanese navy 
were shot and killed as they were trying to enter the Chinese 
airdrome at Hungjao on the outskirts of Shanghai, and a Chinese 
guard at the airdrome was also killed. The Japanese Consul, 
Okamoto, declared the incident was of a "grave nature" and 
had been reported to Tokyo for appropriate action. A huge 
exodus of Chinese residents of the Hongkew and Chapei dis- 
tricts of northern Shanghai began, as a result of rumors that the 
Japanese were contemplating military action in the next few 
days. Thousands of Chinese from the country districts to the 
north of Shanghai poured into the International Settlement and 
the French Concession. 

The situation at Shanghai became rapidly worse. Japanese 
troops landed at Woosung, ten miles north of Shanghai, and 
also in the northern or Hongkew section of Shanghai itself. 
Heavy fighting of a hand-to-hand nature broke out in the 
northern district of Shanghai when Chinese troops attacked the 
invading Japanese. The Japanese battleship IdTwmo^ which was 
regarded by the Chinese as a symbol of Japanese aggression, was 
moved up the Whangpoo and anchored alongside the Japanese 


consulate, directly in front of the International Settlement. Jap- 
anese naval authorities at Shanghai announced that they would 
be "compelled to adopt defense measures" because of numerous 
Chinese acts of aggression, including the murder of the Japanese 
naval officer and his chauffeur on the evening of August 9. They 
also announced that they were prepared to take "any necessary 
steps if the situation was further aggravated." 

The Chinese mayor of the city, O. K. Yui, demanded that 
America and Great Britain prevent Japan from using the north- 
ern or Hongkew sections of the city as a base of operations 
against China. Great Britain requested that Shanghai be excluded 
from the zone of Japanese-Chinese hostilities, but Japan's answer 
was that the request was "clearly unacceptable Britain has 
asked us to do the impossible." Instead, the Japanese expelled 
the International Settlement Police, including the British, from 
the Hongkew section. Japanese bombers had already raided 
Hangchow, Nanchang, Nanking, Soochow, Chinkiang, and the 
Shanghai-Nanking Railway. The Chinese had curtailed railway 
traffic and declared martial law in all cities and districts adjacent 
to the railroads. At the same time, they ordered the lower 
Yangtze closed to navigation. 

2 Black Saturday 

In recalling, as I just have, the mounting tension of those 
early August days, I am surprised that we in Shanghai were so 
unprepared for the tragic events of "Black Saturday," August 

The regular issues of the China Weekly Review usually con- 
tained from forty to sixty pages. I have before me a thin, sickly 
number of August 21, 1937, f on ty" sixteen pages, greatly re- 
duced in size, and resembling the miniature editions of American 
magazines put out for United States soldiers abroad; but this 
issue of the Review was so poorly printed that it is difficult to 
read. Our regular printing plant happened to be in the line of 
fire between the Chinese and Japanese forces, and the entire 


printing staff hurriedly evacuated the building and fled to places 
of safety. It looked as though we, as well as several other papers 
in the downtown section, might not be able to continue publica- 
tion. A heavy shell from a Japanese battery had penetrated the 
composing room of the North China Daily Neiw, leading British 
paper, and caused heavy carnage. A day or two later one of our 
Chinese printers turned up and told me he had a friend who 
owned a little printing plant located in a basement somewhere 
that was not likely to be hit by Japanese bombs. He insisted that 
his friend could print a small edition on a little* hand press. The 
result was a genuine "underground" edition of the China Weekly 

In this miniature edition appeared a condensed account of 
the bombing incidents which resulted in the killing of nearly 
2,000 persons and the wounding of some 2,500 more, nearly all 
being Chinese civilians men, women and children and all of 
them refugees who were fleeing from terrorism created by the 
Imperial Japanese Army in its invasion of the Shanghai area. 
Most, but by no means all, of the bombs responsible for this 
slaughter were dropped by crippled Chinese planes flying over 
the International Settlement. It was estimated that a million and 
a half Chinese, most of them farmers, villagers, and factory 
workers, had fled into the International Settlement, and for many 
days the streets, roads and bridges leading into the Anglo- 
American administered area had been jammed with Chinese 
carrying their worldly possessions, including innumerable chil- 
dren, the great majority seeming to be babes in arms. Chinese 
charitable organizations had established relief centers at various 
points in the International Settlement. Bombs falling among the 
crowds at these congested relief centers or in the vicinity were 
responsible for the heavy casualties, said to be the greatest among 
civilians anywhere up to that time. 

The worst carnage occurred at a street intersection between 
the International Settlement and the French Concession, about 
a mile from the Bund, where some 5,000 refugees had assembled 
to receive free rice dispensed by an amusement concern known 


as the "New World." The streets which crossed at this corner 
were main thoroughfares known as Yu-ya-ching Road and 
Avenue Edward VII. The traffic light in the center had just 
turned from green to red when a small motor car with three 
passengers, a man, woman and little girl, came to a stop, waiting 
for the traffic light to change. Hearing planes flying low over- 
head, just skimming the tops of the business buildings, the driver 
of the car opened the door and stepped out in the street to 
investigate. Just as his feet touched the ground he uttered a cry, 
threw up his arms and dropped dead on the pavement. A ma- 
chine-gun bullet had passed through his heart. 

The victim, the first foreigner to be killed in the China-Japan 
war, was the Reverend Dr. Frank Rawlinson, editor of the 
Chinese Recorder, leading magazine of Protestant missions in 
China. Dr. Rawlinson was born in England and received his 
'education in the United States, where he became a naturalized 
citizen. He was the outstanding pacifist in the missionary com- 
munity in China. He was a strong and fearless opponent of 
Japanese militarism, and was also opposed to the militarization 
of China as a means of settling international differences in the 
Far East. Mrs. Rawlinson and their daughter were stunned at his 
collapse and, not realizing what had happened, they lifted him 
into the car and drove to a hospital. The car had just turned the 
corner when all hell broke loose in the wide crowded plaza at 
the street intersection behind them. 

A Chinese plane, carrying two heavy bombs, had attempted 
to drop them on the Japanese battleship Idzitmo, anchored in 
the Whangpoo harbor directly in front of the downtown section 
of the city. Before the Chinese plane could get in position for 
the delicate bombing operation, it was attacked by a Jap fighter. 
Badly wounded, the Chinese pilot attempted to return to the 
Hungjao Airdrome on the outskirts of the city, which was still 
held by the Chinese forces. Realizing his inability to reach the 
Chinese base with his damaged plane and heavy load, he at- 
tempted to loose the bombs as he flew over the local race course. 
But the heavy explosives fell short of their mark by about 


three hundred yards, striking almost in the center of the plaza, 
crowded with the normally busy noon-time traffic of Shanghai 
streets, consisting of motor cars, rickshas, and pedestrians, plus 
the thousands of Chinese refugees who had gathered there for 
their free bowls of rice and tea. 

The first bomb, exploding as it struck the asphalt street, 
apparently had detonated the second a few feet above the street 
level, causing its load of death-dealing explosives to spray across 
the crowded plaza. Dozens of motor cars and their occupants 
were riddled with shrapnel or incinerated by their exploding 
gasoline tanks, while hundreds of pedestrians were dropped i$ 
their tracks for a block in all directions. The worst carnage was 
among the crowd of refugees massed in front of the New World 
Amusement Center, where the food was being dispensed. Man- 
gled bodies of men, women and children, with most of their 
clothing burned away, were heaped against the building to a 
height of five feet. 

I was standing on the roof of the American Club, about ten 
blocks distant, watching the fights between Chinese and Jap- 
anese planes when the bombs struck the plaza. The explosion 
shook the entire city. I hurried to the scene, and for the first 
time in my extensive coverage of battles, I actually saw human 
blood running in the gutters. When I got home late that night 
after covering the story, my shoes, socks, and trousers were caked 
with blood. I assisted the police and Red Cross in removing 
numerous charred bodies from motorcars which had been caught 
as the drivers of the cars moved around the circular island where 
the traffic signals were located. One car, a Ford, attracted my 
particular attention, as it was standing within twenty feet of 
the yawning crater in the asphalt where the bombs had fallen. 
There were three charred bodies in the car, two in the front seat 
and one in the rear. The driver, or rather his charred skeleton, 
sat perfectly erect with the blackened bones of his hands still 
grasping the wheel When the bodies were removed from the 
car, the driver's license, upon which the owner of the car was 


sitting and which had thus escaped incineration, established his 
identity as a well known American businessman in Shanghai. 
The other figures in the car were his wife and the Chinese 

After the police and Red Cross workers had finally removed 
the last trackload of bodies from the scene, they sent back 
another truck which they loaded with legs and feet which the 
explosion had severed from the bodies of the victims and scat- 
tered over the plaza in grotesque array. Among those killed at 
this street intersection were ninety Chinese printers out of a staff 
of one hundred employed by the Seventh Day Adventist mission 
in the production of their church magazine. The office of the 
magazine had previously been located in Chinese territory, but 
it had been moved into the Settlement for safety on the day 
preceding the bombing. 

The other tragic happening of Black Saturday occurred 
within a few minutes of the first bombing. These bombs, five in 
number, were also aimed by Chinese aviators, flying Northrop 
bombers, at the Japanese battleship Idzumo in the harbor, but 
missed their mark by about five hundred yards and crashed into 
the busiest block of Nanking Road, Shanghai's main street, and 
directly in front of the city's two leading hotels, the Palace and 
the Cathay. This street was also crowded with Chinese refugees, 
several hundred being killed and wounded. Several foreigners 
were killed and others wounded at this point. 

The same afternoon, another bomb struck the roof of the 
six-story office and warehouse of the United States Navy Pur- 
chasing Bureau, also located in the downtown section of the city 
and only about a block from the American consulate. This bomb, 
a freak hit, crashed through the concrete roof and five concrete 
floors and landed on the cement floor of the basement of the 
building without exploding. It contained the mark of a munitions 
house in Czechoslovakia. The nationality of the plane which 
dropped this bomb was never established. Some days later, an- 
other high explosive missile, either a bomb from a plane or a shell 
from a naval gun, struck the fronts of, and seriously damaged, 


Shanghai's two largest Chinese department stores. Here the casu- 
alties were numerous, both within the crowded stores and in 
the streets. 

Two nights following Black Saturday I was working late in 
my office when the door opened and an American woman, Mrs. 
Eleanor B. Roosevelt, wife of Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., entered. 
She explained that she was visiting in Shanghai and had been 
horrified by the slaughter of innocent civilians caused by bombs 
falling in the streets of the city. She wondered if something could 
be done to induce both combatants to withdraw their troops and 
naval craft from the borders of the International Settlement. 
After some discussion Mrs. Roosevelt decided to send telegrams 
to the leaders of the opposing sides, stating she had personally 
witnessed "casualties and destruction terrible beyond realization 
among innocent defenseless peoples," and appealing to them to 
order a discontinuance of bombings in the Settlement. One tele- 
gram was addressed to Madame Chiang Kai-shek, asking her to 
bring the matter to the immediate attention of the Generalissimo. 

We then considered the names of various Japanese leaders to 
whom the other telegram could be sent. I urged that it be sent 
directly to Emperor Hirohito, who was personally responsible 
for the acts of his military commanders, but a local American 
resident who had accompanied Mrs. Roosevelt to my office said 
he had discussed the matter with a member of the American 
Embassy and the fear had been expressed that addressing the tele- 
gram directly to Hirohito might be considered "disrespectful." 

It was finally decided to address the Japanese telegram to 
Prince Konoye, the premier. The text of the telegram was as 


I have today telegraphed Madame Chiang Kai-shek that bombing 
be withheld until arrangements can be made for protection of lives 
of innocent people in the concessions. On account of the presence 
within and along the boundaries of the International Settlement of 
an extraordinary number of Japanese army and naval forces, the 


Chinese claim they must take necessary military measures and pre- 
cautions. I urge your excellency to devise ways and means to neu- 
tralize the situation and permit safeguards for non-combatants. I feel 
I may cable you on account of the evidences of friendship shown 
me in the past by their Imperial Majesties. 


(Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.) 

This telegram had unexpected results, particularly in view 
of the fact that the Japanese had ignored strong protests by both 
the American and the British governments. The Japanese never 
replied to Mrs. Roosevelt's telegram, but the following day the 
Japanese naval commander ordered the warship Idzumo removed 
from its anchorage in front of the city. The withdrawal of the 
Idzumo removed the chief target of Chinese aviators from prox- 
imity to the congested downtown section of the city. The Jap- 
anes6 did, however, continue to fire projectiles from their heavy 
naval guns over the city, and many residences in the outlying 
districts were struck. A Japanese plane also dropped an incen- 
diary bomb near one of the United States Fourth Marine bar- 
racks, but no injury was done. Other Japanese air bombs were 
dropped on an American cotton mill which was protected by a 
contingent of United States Marines, but none was injured. 

Madame Chiang Kai-shek in her reply said that the Generalis- 
simo had ordered an investigation of the incidents and had 
authorized a relief appropriation for the victims. 

American Ships, Japanese Bombs, in 1937 

AFTER JAPAN'S WAR IN CHINA had been in progress for several 
months, two young Japanese officers, former schoolmates at the 
Tokyo Military Academy, met in Nanking, capital of Nation- 
alist China. Nanking had just fallen to the Japanese. The time of 
the meeting was a few days before Christmas. The young officers 
were Sub-lieutenants Tashiakai Mukai and Iwao Noda. The 
meeting of the two officers in the Chinese capital was a matter 
of considerable popular interest in Japan as their exploits had 
been heralded, together with their pictures, in the daily editions 
of the Tokyo Nichi Nichi Shiwbun, leading newspaper in the 
Japanese capital. 

The following is a brief translation of the account of the 
meeting of the two Japanese officers in the Chinese capital, 
which a translator in my office handed me one morning: "After 
formal bows the two Japanese officers drew their swords and 
pointed with pride to the badly nicked edges of the long bkdes. 
Said Lieutenant Noda, 1 have killed 105 how many have you 
killed?' Lieutenant Mukai replied, 'Aha-ha, I have killed 106 
so sorry!'" 

Mukai had won by one on a matter of points, but, the Nichi 
Nichfs correspondent explained, it was impossible to settle the 
bet between the two officers because there was no way of 
determining which of the two had passed the 100 mark first; it 
was therefore decided to call it a tie and extend the competition 
to determine which officer could first pass the 150 mark, that is, 
kill 150 Chinese. 

The report in the Tokyo Nichi Nichi stated that the race 
"started with renewed vigor December n for the goal of 150." 



It appeared that the two officers had first met in a night club in 
Shanghai, when the original bet had been made to determine 
which of the two could first kill 100 Chinese. It was not specified 
that the victims had to be Chinese soldiers; as a matter of fact 
the Chinese army had withdrawn from most of the towns be- 
tween Shanghai and Nanking, a distance of some 200 miles, 
through which the Japanese army advanced on its way to Nan- 
king. It was assumed therefore that most of the victims of the 
competition in mass murder by the two Japanese officers had 
been Chinese civilians. 

Some time after the occupation of Nanking on December 
13, 1937, the Japanese army spokesman at Shanghai announced 
that the army had decided to establish a factory in Shanghai for 
the repair and reconditioning of swords. 

The report of the competition of the two Japanese army 
officers shed considerable light on the orgy of looting, murder, 
and rape which took place following the entrance of Japanese 
troops into the Chinese capital. There had been some looting 
by the defeated and retreating Chinese troops, and Nanking had 
experienced serious rioting and disorder, with atrocities against 
Chinese civilians and foreigners, at the hands of the Communists 
in 1927, but the residents of the Chinese capital had never 
experienced such an ordeal as marked the occupation of the city 
by the Japanese army. Japanese occupation of the native sections 
of Shanghai and other cities of the lower Yangtze region had 
been accompanied by murder, looting and the rape of civilians, 
and the Chinese generally were familiar with the stories of 
Japanese atrocities in Manchuria, where entire populations of 
villages had been wiped out and all of the houses looted and 
burned by the Japanese because the villagers were accused of 
harboring guerrillas. 

The rape of Nanking was almost like that of Carthage in the 
barbarity shown to its inhabitants. The accounts of foreign mis- 
sionaries, many of whom had witnessed the atrocities, and even 
obtained pictures of them, indicated that there was a collapse 
of all discipline among a considerable section of the Japanese 


forces. It seemed as though all of the pent-up hatred for for- 
eigners with which the Japanese army had been indoctrinated 
by years of teaching and training in brutality burst forth in an 
orgy of terrorism following the occupation of the city. An 
authenticated report by an international group of foreign mis- 
sionaries stated that large numbers of Chinese civilians were 
wantonly shot or bayonetted and left to die in the streets. People 
who attempted to flee the city were rounded up, robbed and 
machine-gunned indiscriminately. So-called safety zones which 
were created and supervised by missionaries were invaded by 
Japanese soldiers during the reign of terror, which continued 
for several days. Large numbers of men were bound together 
and shot in bunches, or their clothing was saturated with kero- 
sene and they were burned to death as human torches. 

The Japanese charged that the Chinese victims were soldiers 
who had discarded their uniforms for civilian attire and were 
trying to escape from the city. Japanese soldiers singled out 400 
males of various ages from one refugee safety zone, which was 
supervised by Christian missionaries, and marched them outside 
the city wall in groups of fifty, to be mowed down by machine 
guns. Other Chinese were tied to posts and used as dummies for 
bayonet practice. Japanese soldiers invaded the premises of mis- 
sion schools and seized Chinese women and girls, who were 
dragged away. Not a single prisoner was taken by the Japanese 
army. Japan's propaganda that her sole purpose was to "liberate" 
the Chinese people was made to mean in actual practice their 
"liquidation." John Allison, an American consular official who 
accompanied a missionary to the Japanese army headquarters for 
the purpose of urging the Japanese commander to control his 
rioting troops, was slapped and insulted by the Japanese sentry 
at the gates of the compound. Most of the private homes in the 
city were plundered, and refugees passing through the city gates 
were robbed of their meager possessions. 

I inspected numerous photographs snapped in mission hos- 
pitals showing Chinese with deep gashes in their heads, necks, 
shoulders, and arms caused by Japanese soldiers, who were put- 


ting into practice an ancient and popular Japanese military exer- 
cise in which soldiers, wearing heavy leather headgear, wire 
masks and shoulder guards, beat each other over the heads with 
heavy clubs until they drop from exhaustion. I had frequently 
watched these exercises at Japanese barracks in Manchuria and 
in Japan, and marveled at the ability of the soldiers to stand such 
brutality. I did not realize that the exercise would ultimately be 
put to practical use with real swords against unarmed civilians. 
I saw one picture, taken by a missionary doctor, of a Chinese 
man who had a deep crease across the back of his neck where a 
Japanese officer had struck him with his sword. Luckily the 
sword was dull; almost miraculously the spinal cord had not been 
severed, and the man lived. 

I also saw numerous pictures snapped by the Japanese them- 
selves, showing Chinese being beheaded by Japanese soldiers, 
and I possessed one revolting picture of a Chinese woman who 
had been raped by two Japanese soldiers who were shown in the 
picture standing by the body of their victim. The Japanese have 
a weakness for photographing each other, and could not resist 
photographing even their own barbarous acts. I obtained the 
prints from a Korean photograph shop in Shanghai, where the 
films had been sent to be developed. The soldiers apparently 
wanted the prints to send to their friends at home in Japan. 
Japanese soldiers seemingly had no feeling whatsoever that their 
inhuman actions transgressed the tenets of modern warfare or 
common everyday morals. 

There have been two occasions since Japan abrogated the 
Four-Power Naval Limitations Treaty when it is possible that 
Japan might have been brought to terms without resort to arms 
on the part of the United States and the other Powers which 
were parties to the Washington Arms Limitation treaties. The 
first was in September, 1931, when the so-called Kwantung 
(Manchurian) faction in the Imperial Japanese Army staged the 
coup d'etat or Mukden Incident, and invaded China's Man- 
churian provinces. On that occasion governmental leaders at 


Tokyo were so fearful that the United States would take action 
to enforce the treaties which guaranteed China's territorial integ- 
rity, that they went to great lengths to disarm suspicion and 
criticism by the American people. Large sums of money were 
expended in propaganda and in other ways to influence public 
opinion and prevent Washington from taking a strong stand. 
Their eff orts were so successful that we even continued our ship- 
ments of war materials to Japan. 

One of the most effective propagandists for Japan was an 
American, a former teacher and newspaperman of Honolulu 
named Henry W. Kinney, who was employed by the South 
Manchuria Railway at Dairen, Manchuria. Kinney made a trip 
to the United States, following the Manchurian Incident, and 
interviewed editors, columnists and radio commentators. Follow- 
ing his return he made a long written report to his Japanese 
superiors in which he listed those who had expressed sentiment 
favorable to Japan's policy of aggression. Unfortunately for 
Kinney his confidential report fell into the hands of an American, 
who turned it over to me. I published it it still makes interesting 
reading, particularly the list of pro-Japanese publicists, though 
more than a dozen years have elapsed. After the Japanese dis- 
covered the leak they gave Kinney an extended vacation, which 
he was still spending with his Japanese wife on the French island 
of Tahiti in the South Pacific when the war broke out. 

Many influential citizens urged our Government not to take 
a strong stand, in the mistaken belief that pacifically inclined 
civilian elements in the Japanese Government might be able to 
get the upper hand over the military. Even Ambassador Joseph 
G Grew at Tokyo recommended a moderate policy, in the belief 
that a strong stand by Washington might provoke the Japanese 
militarists to an "even more intransigent attitude," 

The second time when a strong stand oa the part of the 
United States Government might have forced a change in Jap- 
anese policy was when the Japanese deliberately bombed, ma- 
chine-gunned and sank the United States gunboat Pamy in the 


Yangtze River above Nanking in December, 1937. Instead, the 
weak, vacillating policy of our State Department encouraged 
the Japanese to play fast and loose with Americans and their 
interests in the Far East, and ultimately encouraged the Japanese 
militarists to plot the sneak attack on Pearl Harbor four years 

Americans in Shanghai and Nanking had a private joke which 
they repeated to each other, usually in low tones if a non- 
American was within hearing. The joke was brief but very much 
to the point: "Did you know that Ambassador Nelson T. John- 
son now lists the expenses of the American Embassy at Nanking 
as 'running expenses'?" The wisecrack had a special meaning 
for Americans because it exemplified the unusual activities of the 
American Embassy staff at Nanking for several weeks prior to 
the Japanese occupation of the Chinese capital. Documentary 
dispatches exchanged between Ambassador Johnson at Nanking 
and the State Department covering this period have not been 
published, but most persons were aware of the fact that the 
American Ambassador was worried as much by his instructions 
from the State Department as he was by the aggressive attitude 
of the Japanese. As soon as the Japanese began to direct their 
attention toward the Chinese capital at Nanking, following their 
occupation of Shanghai, Ambassador Johnson employed a Chi- 
nese contractor to dig a bomb-proof shelter in the small rectan- 
gular garden which faced the Embassy offices and quarters of 
the staff . The shelter aroused considerable interest in diplomatic 
circles because of its elaborate interior fittings and the fact that 
it was the first to be built in Nanking. Descriptions and pictures 
of it were forwarded to the Secretary of State, but those in 
Washington who were responsible for the protection of Ameri- 
can interests and prestige in the Far East were not satisfied. They 
feared the shelter would furnish insufficient protection, and they 
wanted nothing to happen that could possibly involve the United 
States with Japan. Ambassador Johnson was therefore instructed 
to take extraordinary precautions against being hit by Japanese 


As a result he instructed the commander of the United States 
Yangtze Patrol to station a couple of small river patrol boats, 
including the Fcmay, at the Nanking jetty, a short distance from 
the Embassy premises. Whenever word was flashed from Shang- 
hai that Japanese bombers were on their way to blast Nanking, 
the entire Embassy staff, consisting of secretaries, Consuls, Vice- 
Consuls, and stenographers, led by the Ambassador, would sprint 
to the jetty, board the gunboats, and steam, under forced draught, 
upstream. After they had proceeded a few miles, the boats would 
anchor in mid-stream and wait until they received word that 
all was clear, then they would return to their quarters at the 
Embassy. In order that there could be no mistake about the 
overpowering desire of great and powerful America to avoid all 
suspicion of courting danger, the American Embassy supplied 
both the Japanese army and navy with detailed maps showing 
the exact location of the Embassy, the river gunboats, and the 
exact point on the Yangtze where the boats bearing the Ambas- 
sador and his staff were to be anchored on each trip. Also, large 
American flags were painted on the top decks and awnings of 
the boats, which were clearly visible from the air. 

The near panic at the American Embassy soon spread to the 
other foreign embassies, even to the Germans, who arranged to 
travel up the river on British ships. Finally word came that the 
Japanese were planning a mass bombing attack on the Chinese 
capital, using bombers based in Formosa and which they had 
purchased in the United States. As soon as I heard the report 
I arranged with another correspondent, Victor Keen of the New 
York Herald Tribune, and Joseph Pearson, president of Press 
Wireless, to make the trip to Nanking to see the show. At mid- 
night we slipped around the Japanese lines in my Ford car, and 
by driving all night over terrible roads we managed to reach 
Nanking before noon of the day the Japanese had selected for 
the bombing. 

Nanking was a dead city so far as the streets and shops were 
concerned, as the civilian population had either fled or gone into 


hiding. We immediately drove to the American Embassy, which 
we also found completely deserted except for one secretary, 
J. Hall Paxton, who was born in China of missionary parents 
and had joined the consular service several years before, after 
his graduation from college in the United States. Paxton told us 
that other members of the staff had hurriedly departed at day- 
light on the daily trip up the Yangtze in order to avoid injury 
by Japanese bombs. Paxton added: "But damned if I'm going to 
run away from the little . . ." Ambassador Johnson, however, 
was not there that day, as he and most of the staff had departed ^ 
for Hankow, about six hundred miles west of Nanking, where 
the National Government was planning to transfer its head- 
quarters. I had lunch with Paxton, which was prepared by his 
Chinese cook and house boy who also had remained on the job. 
After luncheon I drove to the building of the Chinese Officers' 
Moral Welfare Association, a sort of Chinese army Y.M.C.A., 
where I interviewed Generalissimo and Madame Chiang Kai- 
shek. I asked the Generalissimo what he thought of the action 
of the American Ambassador in running away every time there 
was a rumor of a Japanese bombing. He smiled, shrugged his 
shoulders, and replied, "You see, we are still here." 

We remained in Nanking all afternoon awaiting the Japanese 
bombing attack, but it didn't happen that day, and since impor- 
tant developments were expected at Shanghai, we decided to 
return to that city immediately, leaving shortly after dark by a 
roundabout road in order to avoid the Japanese troops who were 
then consolidating their position in preparation for the advance 
on Nanking. Fortunately for us they had not yet entirely en- 
circled Shanghai. 

Shortly after daylight we ran into the worst mudhole I have 
ever seen. A section of the highway for about a mile had been 
converted into a loblolly three to four feet deep. Heavy military 
trucks had cut the road into a series of deep parallel ruts resem- 
bling trenches. Numerous cars and trucks preceding us had 
driven into the morass in the hope of getting through, but had 
mired down helplessly in the soft earth. Fortunately, before 


leaving Nanking I had purchased several feet of rope in a Chinese 
store, thinking that I might find some use for it. It was lucky I 
had brought along the rope, and it was also lucky that I had a 
bright new Chinese ten-dollar bill in my pocket. Noticing a num- 
ber of Chinese farmers, men, women, and children, in a field 
watching the show, I waved the ten-dollar bill and asked them 
to pull us out of the mud. They responded immediately and 
with enthusiasm, and some twenty men, women, and children, 
accompanied by much "heigh-hoing" and singing, pulled us out 
of the mudhole to dry ground in short order. But while we 
were in the midst of it someone yelled, "Jap planes coming," and 
they were a whole squadron of heavy Japanese bombers. We 
dropped everything and dived into the nearest ditches. Since 
more than a dozen large Chinese army trucks and as many more 
cars were stuck in the mud, we provided an excellent target. 
But the Jap bomber pilots paid no attention to us they were 
on a more important mission, the bombing of Nanking. 

We had missed the bombing of Nanking, and wondered if 
the remaining members of the Embassy staff had managed to 
escape. After the Japanese bombers had passed and our Ford 
had been dragged to dry ground, there was a tremendous outcry 
among the Chinese track drivers and occupants of other motor- 
cars who charged us with demoralizing coolie labor by pay- 
ing them $10 whereas $i would have been sufficient, in their 
opinion. Since the foreigners had paid the farmers $10, they 
obviously would not work for the Chinese for a lower price, 
as such action would cause a 'loss of face." I was told that $10 
remained the standard price for pulling victims out of that 
particular mudhole. 

On the afternoon of December 12, the U.S.S. Panay was 
bombed, machine-gunned and sunk by Japanese planes, together 
with a small tanker, the Mei-an, and two launches belonging to 
the Socony Vacuum Company. The bombing occurred while 
the boats were anchored in the stream about twenty-five miles 
above Nanking, adjacent to the village of Hohsien, where they 


had proceeded in accordance with State Department instruc- 
tions. The bombing of the ships and subsequent machine-gun- 
ning of launches carrying survivors ashore resulted in the killing 
and wounding of several aaval officers, servicemen, and civilians, 
including the captains of the two larger ships. 

A few hours before the bombing of the American ships at 
Hohsien other Japaneses forces attacked two British river gun- 
boats, the Ladybird and the Bee, and five British river steamers, 
the Suiwo, Tsing-teh, Tuck<wo, Wangtu and Tatung. All of the 
British ships were clearly marked with large painted replicas of 
the Union Jack. Several British naval ratings and civilians were 
killed and wounded, as the British boats not only were bombed 
from the air, but also were shelled by Japanese shore batteries. 
The British ships at the time were anchored in the Yangtze off 
the town of Wuhu, about fifty miles above Nanking. Wuhu was 
the headquarters of Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto, commander 
of the Japanese troops in this region. Hashimoto's first anti- 
American gesture upon arriving at Wuhu had been to remove 
the American flag from the gateway of the American mission 
compound, tear it into shreds and trample it on the ground with 
his hob-nailed boots. 

Among the casualties on the American ships was a widely 
known Italian, Sandro Sandri, special correspondent of the well 
known Italian newspaper, La Stampa, published at Turin. Pre- 
viously Mr. Sandri had been correspondent for Mussolini's per- 
sonal paper, the Popolo tf Italia of Milan. Sandri had taken the 
lead in the organization of the branch of the Italian Fascist Party 
at Shanghai. He was aboard the Panay, was struck by both 
shrapnel and machine-gun bullets, and died the following day. 
Near casualties on one of the British ships, the Wangtu, were 
several members of the German Embassy at Nanking. None was 
hit by Japanese shells, but the boat was so badly damaged that 
it was necessary to transfer the German diplomats to a British 
gunboat. As a result of these incidents the Italian and German 
governments both lodged protests with the Japanese Govern- 
ment at Tokyo, despite the fact that both countries were in 


alliance with the Japanese and were members of the Anti-Comin- 
tern Pact. 

There was a curious reaction in Washington when Hiroshi 
Saito, the Japanese Ambassador, appeared at the State Depart- 
ment early on the morning of December 13, only a few hours 
after the incident, tendered the apologies of the Japanese Govern- 
ment, and offered to make restitution. Except for a brief radio 
flash, the State Department had as yet received no details of the 
incident. Ambassador Saito admitted that "since the Japanese 
had been informed of the position of the American ships, the 
bombing of the Panay was a grave blunder ... of course it was 
completely accidental and a great mistake." He was very 

Admiral Harry E. Yarnell, commander-in-chief of the United 
States Asiatic Fleet, who was in Shanghai, acted immediately, 
in confident expectation that the Government would take a 
strong stand on the sinking of the Pmay, and canceled the sail- 
ing orders of the United States cruiser Augusta, which was 
anchored in Shanghai harbor. The ship had previously been 
ordered to proceed to Manila. Admiral Yarnell also repudiated 
a statement, allegedly made by the Japanese naval spokesman, 
that all American naval craft would be withdrawn from the 
Yangtze River. He declared, "United States naval vessels are in 
Chinese waters for the protection of American citizens, and will 
remain here as long as the necessity exists." Admiral Yarnell 
said further that if the Japanese demanded the withdrawal of 
American ships from China waters, the demand would be ignored. 

But Admiral Yarnell's stand was not supported by Washing- 
ton. The Senate launched upon an involved debate concerning 
the withdrawal or non-withdrawal of all American gunboats 
and forces from the Orient, and there were charges that Great 
Britain was trying to get the United States "to pull her chestnuts 
out of the fire in China." One Senator declared, "If Japan has 
accepted the responsibility and apologized, there is nothing more 
the United States can do about it." Senator Key Pittman made 


the only logical suggestion, that the United States Government 
should demand that all Japanese army and navy officers con- 
cerned in the bombing and machine-gunning of the Panay and 
other American ships should be punished. He pointed out that 
the series of "accidents" to neutrals was becoming intolerable, 
and that there was little satisfaction in having the Japanese 
Government express regret on each occasion. Senator Pittman 
pointed out that it was the practice of the Japanese Government 
to grant broad discretionary powers to its army and navy com- 
manders in the field, "hence the United States Government 
should obtain the names of the high Japanese officers who were 
responsible for the outrages and demand that they be punished." 
He declared that only such punishment would demonstrate the 
good faith of the Japanese, and would halt the series of violations 
of international law. He pointed out that the Japanese Govern- 
ment had subjected itself to the suspicion that such incidents 
were deliberate and were designed to frighten neutrals into with- 
drawing all representatives and nationals from China. 

But the Administration took no such determined stand. It 
only demanded an apology and compensation and a guarantee 
against repetition, which the Japanese Government, through 
Ambassador Saito, had already offered to carry out voluntarily. 
There was no demand for punishment even of the chief culprit, 
Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto, the army commander at Wuhu, 
who was allegedly responsible for the outrage. The issue was 
further confused by President Roosevelt's personal insistence 
that the American note be presented directly to Emperor Hiro- 
hito. This, Koki Hirota, the Japanese Foreign Minister, refused 
to do, and there was considerable puzzlement in the Far East as 
to who had thought of this strange diplomatic gesture. In Tokyo, 
Ambassador Joseph C. Grew was described as being deeply 
touched by the sight of Japanese school children soliciting pen- 
nies on the streets adjacent to the United States Embassy, with 
which to purchase a nice new gunboat to replace the Panay , 
when as a matter of plain fact the Japanese Government quibbled 
a long time over the matter of paying for the sunken Panay and 


finally, when the Japanese could no longer sidestep the issue, 
they offered to construct a ship in a Japanese dockyard and 
present it to the United States. This offer, of course, was refused 
by the Navy Department. 

The responsibility of Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto, com- 
mander of the Japanese troops stationed at Wuhu in Anhwei 
Province, for the bombing of the U.S.S. Pemay and other Ameri- 
can ships, as well as the shelling of the British ships, was disclosed 
in the course of a controversy between the Japanese army and 
navy spokesmen over the incident. The Japanese military attache 
in China, General Kumakichi Harada, in the course of a press 
conference at Shanghai, went to great lengths to disavow any 
connection on the part of the Imperial Japanese Army with 
either the air bombing of the American ships or the machine- 
gunning and shelling of both American and British ships by 
Japanese troops on the banks of the Yangtze. As a result of 
General Harada's attempt, by implication, to place sole respon- 
sibility on the Japanese navy, the Japanese naval spokesman 
made some sensational disclosures regarding Colonel Hashimoto 
and his army connections. 

It appeared that the Colonel, who had previously served as 
Japanese military attache in France and Turkey, had been in- 
volved as one of the leaders in the February 26, 1936, army 
rebellion in Tokyo. On that occasion Hashimoto denied that 
he was either fascist or socialist, but claimed that he represented 
the "new spirit in the Far East/ 7 the chief objective of which 
was to eliminate all American and British influence from Asia. 
He denied that he had any connection with the bombing of the 
Panay, but it was disclosed that he had issued orders to the 
Japanese troops to fire on all ships on the Yangtze "regardless 
of nationality," despite the fact that he had been advised of the 
locations of the American and British boats. The actual shelling 
of the British boats and the machine-gunning of the sinking 
Panajj as well as the launches carrying survivors ashore from 
the Panay, apparently was ordered by one of Colonel Hashi- 


moto's subordinates, allegedly in the belief that they were con- 
voying ships loaded with Chinese troops. 

The Japanese army authorities at first charged that the Panay 
had fired on Japanese troops along the banks of the Yangtze, 
but when this was disproved and the Japanese authorities were 
presented with indisputable evidence that the Panay and other 
American ships had been both bombed and machine-gunned by 
Japanese planes, the Japanese naval authorities admitted their 
responsibility. Some days later they announced that Rear Ad- 
miral Teizo Mitsunami, chief of aerial operations, had been 
recalled from China and would be relieved of his post. The Navy 
Department also stated that it would "punish" all naval fliers 
implicated in the bombing -of the Panay. The Japanese army 
authorities finally apologized to the British for firing on the 
British ships, claiming that they had mistaken them for a convoy 
transferring Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek's troops from Nan- 
king to Hankow, following the Chinese withdrawal from Nan- 
king and transference of the seat of government to Hankow. 

Survivors from the ill-fated Panay did not arrive in Shanghai 
until December 17, five days after the sinking of the ship. They 
were brought down the river aboard the British gunboat Lady- 
bird and the U.S.S. Oahu, a sister ship of the Panay, which had 
been anchored at Nanking and had not been damaged. The seri- 
ously wounded were immediately transferred to local hospitals, 
while the less seriously wounded were carried on stretchers 
aboard the Augusta^ flagship of the United States Asiatic fleet, 
where they received treatment by naval physicians. 

The bombing and shelling of the American and British ships 
and the arrival of the survivors, including wounded, and the 
flag-draped coffins of those who were killed, created a deep 
impression on Shanghai's international community. The serious- 
ness of the outrage and its international significance were attested 
by the large number of correspondents, representing practically 
every important newspaper and press association in the world, 
who were present in Shanghai to report the story. Among the 


few newspapermen who were aboard the Panay at the time of 
the bombing and thus obtained a first-hand eye-witness account, 
was Jim Marshall of Colliers, but Jim was in no condition to 
report the story, as he was seriously wounded in the shoulder and 
throat by Japanese shrapnel. 

The most complete and connected account of the attack, 
showing unmistakably that it was deliberate, was given by a 
young Annapolis graduate, Lieutenant John Willard Geist, who 
was aboard the Panay at the time of the incident and accom- 
panied the survivors on the long trek along the river bank at 
night until they were picked up several hours later by the sur- 
viving American and British boats. Lieutenant Geist said the 
fanay was bombed by two flights of Japanese planes, the 
first consisting of three planes and the second of six planes. He 
said the first Jap bombs were dropped with remarkable accuracy 
from an altitude of approximately 7,000 feet. Practically all of 
the bombs either hit their mark or fell so near as to cause serious 
damage to the ships. The second Japanese flight flew lower and 
machine-gunned the sinking ships as well as the lifeboats bearing 
the survivors ashore. 


Working for "The Trib" 

DECEMBER 17, 1937, THE DAY ON WHICH the Panay survivors 
landed at Shanghai, was a memorable one for another reason in 
the Shanghai office of the Chicago Tribune, where the brass sign 
bearing the slogan, "World's Greatest Newspaper," had hung 
so long that the metal was nearly worn through by the polishing 
given it by the office coolie. 

Aside from editing my own paper in Shanghai, I had served 
on occasion as correspondent for leading American and British 
papers and press associations throughout most of my residence 
in the Far East. Among the papers I represented for considerable 
periods were the Manchester Guardian, leading liberal paper in 
Great Britain; the Daily Herald, London, organ of the British 
Labor Party; and the Chicago Tribune, owned by Colonel Rob- 
ert R. McCormick, outstanding exponent of isolationism in the 
United States. I also cooperated on various occasions with the 
correspondents of the New York Herald Tribune and the Asso- 
ciated Press in covering important events when it was impossible 
for one correspondent to be in two places at the same time. 

For several years I represented the Chicago Tribune and the 
Manchester Guardian simultaneously, which prompted one news- 
paper friend to inquire how it was possible for me to cover 
developments in such a controversial field as China for two news- 
papers which in their policies were as far apart as the two poles. 
My reply was that I never gave much thought to the matter of 
policy of a paper when I was covering a story, but always tried 
to the best of my ability to get the underlying facts and leave 
the interpretation to the editorial staff. I do not remember ever 



having any of my dispatches altered because they did not con- 
form to the policy of the paper. However, the editors, on occa- 
sion, took issue with me in the editorial columns. 

My connection with the Chicago Tribune dated from my 
first trip to old Peking in 1917, when the Japanese presented 
their second ultimatum to the Chinese Government concerning 
the so-called Twenty-one Demands. At that time I received a 
cable from Edward S. Beck, managing editor of the Chicago 
Tribune, asking me to cover the story. I had been in China only 
a few months, and had never written a newspaper cable in my 
life, but Mr. Beck apparently liked my story, as he displayed it 
on the first page under a banner head. Several weeks later I 
received a check for $25, and thus began a connection with the 
Chicago Tribune which lasted, with a few intermissions, for 
nearly twenty years. 

On a part-time basis at first, I later became the Tribune's 
regular foreign correspondent in China. During the long era of 
China's civil wars, the brief war between China and Russia in 
1929, Japan's intervention in Manchuria in 1931, my trips 
through Russia, and the early months of war between China and 
Japan in 1937, I filed regular dispatches and sent mail stories 
to Chicago. Since the difference in time between Shanghai and 
Chicago is about twelve hours, it was necessary for me to do 
most of my work at night, and in consequence I became the chief 
night-owl among the foreign correspondents, frequently not 
getting to bed before three or four o'clock in the morning for 
long periods. For several years I was the oldest man, in point 
of service, on the Tribune's foreign staff, and had I remained on 
the staff a few months longer I would have been eligible for 
retirement on pension. 

I was the only man on the foreign staff of the Tribune who 
had never worked in the home office in Chicago, hence was 
spared contact with office politics except by hearsay. Occasion- 
ally a correspondent would pass through Shanghai with the 
latest gossip and advice on "how to get on with the Colonel" 
Floyd Gibbons, ace Tribune man in World War I (where he 


lost an eye), was in the Far East on several occasions and used 
to advise me by the hour, usually in some hotel bar. Once in 
Mukden, after several drinks, Floyd got down to fundamentals 
and told me how to be a success with the Tribme. "You must 
always 'write down' don't be 'intellectual/ the people who 
buy the Tribune in Chicago don't understand or give a damn 
about Far Eastern politics they want hot stories about battles 
and bandits." I soon learned, however, that my not having 
worked on the local staff in Chicago resulted in a serious handi- 
cap, as my salary was always lower than that of other corre- 
spondents who had previously worked on the local staff. 

On the morning of December 17, 1937, Captain Corpening, 
personal representative of Colonel Robert R. McCormick, ar- 
rived in Shanghai from Chicago by Pan-American Clipper with 
instructions to close up all Tribune offices in China. I had been 
apprised by cable of Captain Corpening's impending arrival and 
the purpose of his trip, but I was completely in the dark as to the 
reason for the sudden decision. Corpening was sitting on the 
edge of his bed eating his breakfast when I burst forth: 

"Why in heaven's name is the Tribune closing its offices in 
China at this time? Here is the Panay case, China arid Japan are 
already at war, and real world news is beginning to break in 

Looking up, he said between bites, "The Colonel thinks China 
is no longer important as a source of news he says China will 
soon be taken over by the Japs hence the Tribune will cover 
China news from Tokyo in future." 

My knees suddenly became so weak I slumped into a 
chair. All I could do was repeat, "But this is no time to wind 

While we were talking, a cable arrived, addressed to Cor- 
pening. It was from the Colonel, instructing him to "Cover the 
Panay." The Tribune had just received the advance cables from 
AR telling of the expected arrival in Shanghai of the Panay 


Passing the cable to me, Captain Corpening said, "You come 

"But I have been fired," I exclaimed. 

"Oh, don't worry about that I'll see you are taken care of," 
he replied. The captain then became communicative and told me 
he was the only man in the whole Tribune organization 
who could enter the Colonel's quarters at any hour, day or 

Later, after we had gone to the Shanghai Country Hospital 
to interview the Panay survivors, I discovered why Captain Cor- 
pening wanted me to accompany him. We first approached 
Frank H. Vines, an official of the British-American Tobacco 
Company from Roanoke, Va., who had been aboard the oil 
tanker Mei-an when it was bombed and whose arm had been 
paralyzed by the concussion of the Jap bomb which had sent 
the tanker, along with the Panay , to an ignominious grave in the 
mud of the Yangtze. I naturally stood back in order to permit 
Corpening to conduct the interview, but Corpening motioned 
me to go ahead. As we were leaving the hospital, he explained: 

"You know, I never interviewed anybody in my life." 

Corpening told me that he had never had any newspaper 
experience other than serving as Colonel McCormick's personal 
assistant and secretary. 

That night I went back to the office. The habit of staying up 
until 2 or 3 o'clock in the morning for practically twenty years 
was too strong to be broken off at once. About midnight Cor- 
pening came in, sat down at one of the office typewriters and 
after several minutes pecked out a few words on a cable blank 
which he handed me. He had written exactly three lines. I've 
forgotten the wording, but I glanced at it and exclaimed, "For 
goodness' sake, the Panay story is worth more than that." 

He took the cable, tore it up and said, "You go ahead and 
write it, I'll take care of you." 

I wrote the Pmay story and filed it. It made Page i under 
Corpening's name, of course. Captain Corpening remained in 
Shanghai for a couple of days while we closed up the Tribune 


office and took down the old brass sign. It's surprising how 
quickly the outward evidence of twenty years of work can be 
eliminated. Colonel McCormick paid me three months' salary in 

The last I heard of Captain Corpening was a couple of weeks 
later when he turned up in Hankow, then the temporary seat 
of the National Government, where he tried to hire a special train 
from the Chinese authorities in order to "visit the fighting front." 
The Chinese demurred they had never rented a train. Corpen- 
ing assured the Chinese that the Chicago Tribune "could afford 
to buy the entire train outright if necessary." The Chinese finally 
made him understand that both of the railways out of Hankow 
had been cut and he couldn't get withiri five hundred miles of 
any front even if he had a half dozen trains. Corpening finally 
left China in disgust. 

From 1937 on, for four years up to the day and hour of the 
sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, the Chicago Tribune covered the 
Far East with one correspondent Kimpei Sheba, a Japanese, 
stationed in Tokyo. Sheba was born in Honolulu, hence was 
technically an American citizen. 

The Pressure Increases 

DESPITE THE COMPARATIVE SAFETY of the International Settle- 
ment and the French Concession, where most British and Amer- 
icans resided, Japanese pressure began seriously to be felt in 
1938. The Japanese were in control of the entire territory about 
the city, and in addition had a large army within the northern 
or Hongkew section of the city. This meant that the Settlement 
authorities were no longer able to collect taxes or other revenues 
in this district, which previously had been their chief source of 
revenue, owing to the location there of most of the city's manu- 
facturing enterprises. 

Another cause of serious worry to the American and British 
administrators of the Settlement was the fact that the municipal 
power plant and water works were located within the Japanese 
area, hence the Japanese had the power to strangle the Settlement 
at any time by cutting off these facilities. And a constant source 
of trouble and annoyance was the Japanese military patrol, 
placed on the main bridge connecting the two sections of the 
city. All cars, trucks, and pedestrians were stopped and searched, 
and their Chinese chauffeurs had to dismount from the cars and 
bow almost double to the Japanese guards. Any chauffeur who 
refused was beaten and detained. Heavy toll was exacted on 
every load of material sent into or transported from the Japanese 
area. Most of this graft went to Japanese army and naval officers. 

Shanghai University, one of the largest educational institu- 
tions in the Yangtze Valley, which was operated under the aus- 
pices of the American Baptist Mission, was closed and looted by 
the Japanese. Another Chinese educational institution, Kwanghua 
University, was completely destroyed, as also was Shanghai 



Labor University, established following the 1927 revolution. 
Another Chinese school, Fuhtan University, established by a 
well known educator, Dr. John Y. Lee, was taken over and used 
by the Japanese as headquarters for the army staff. St. John's 
University, the oldest educational institution established by the 
American Episcopal Mission, was likewise closed, but later per- 
mitted to resume. Japanese soldiers paid regular inspection trips 
to dormitories and class-rooms. 

The chief defender of foreign interests in the midst of these 
developments was an American citizen named Stirling Fessenden, 
who occupied the post of secretary-general of the International 
Settlement, a position resembling that of city manager in the 
United States. Fessenden was elected chairman of the Municipal 
Council of the International Settlement in the early 1920*5, and 
was familiarly known as "Lord Mayor" of the city for nearly 
two decades. He was finally forced to resign, in 1939, as a result 
of failing eyesight. 

Fessenden was born at Fort Fairfield, Maine, and after gradu- 
ation from Bowdoin College he went to Shanghai as a young law 
school graduate in 1904 on a mission for the old American Trad- 
ing Company of New York. He remained to become an impor- 
tant figure in the hectic politics of the International Settlement, 
wherein lived almost half of Shanghai's 3,500,000 people, in- 
cluding nearly 100,000 foreigners of various nationalities. Fes- 
senden had a wide acquaintance in both the foreign and the 
Chinese communities and, of particular importance, enjoyed their 
confidence and respect. During the long period of anti-foreign 
agitations beginning in 1925, Fessenden was the only foreign offi- 
cial in Shanghai who was in constant contact with the Chinese 
leaders. On no less than three occasions he was credited with 
"saving" the Settlement from possible occupation by hostile 
Chinese factions. The most serious threat was in 1927, when he 
blocked the Communists' attempt to take over the Settlement. 
On another occasion he blocked an attempt of the Diplomatic 
Body in Peiping to "take over" the Settlement and abolish its 


elective form of government. The Peiping diplomats failed be- 
cause they were no match for the Yankee lawyer, who knew 
more about the legal status of the Settlement than any other 
foreigner there. He had also the happy faculty of knowing when 
to compromise with Chinese Nationalist sentiment, which re- 
sented foreign activities within the country. 

In 1938 Fessenden outwitted the Japanese when they at- 
tempted to stuff the ballot boxes at the annual election. The 
Japanese brought in a horde of new residents and provided them 
with credentials for voting in the annual election. Just what hap- 
pened was never explained, but the Occidentals won out by a 
narrow margin. There were whispers of "Tammany tactics," 
and the Japanese claimed that several ballot boxes containing 
their votes were never opened. 

When Fessenden retired from the municipal government in 
1939, the Municipal Council gave him a tax-free residence for 
the rest of his life, but since he had antagonized the Japanese, 
they retaliated, after they took over the Settlement following 
Pearl Harbor, by evicting him from his house, and forcing him 
to live in a squalid Russian boarding house. He had become 
blind and was looked after by friendly Chinese servants, who 
remained with him until the end. He died tragically of a heart 
ailment on September 20, 1943, the day following the sailing of 
the exchange ship Gripsholm. He was sixty-eight years old. 
He was offered an opportunity to return on the Gripsholm, but 
knowing the end was near, he preferred to die in Shanghai, rather 
than at sea. 

The Japanese always contended that the Americans and Euro- 
peans never granted them an adequate voice in the administra- 
tion of the International Settlement; but when the Japanese by 
forceful measures obtained the upper hand, their control did not 
contribute to peace, order, or public welfare. It had all the ear- 
marks of a marauding expedition designed to squeeze the last 
dollar out of the community and permanently to demoralize the 


Early in 1939 I made a survey of gambling and narcotic dens 
which had been established on the borders of the International 
Settlement following the advent of the Japanese army. It was 
found that there were 125 institutions of this character which 
had been opened since the occupation of the territory by the 
Imperial Japanese Army. This populous area, corresponding to 
the suburban district of any large and growing American city, 
was administered by the so-called "S.S.S." (Special Service Sec- 
tion) of the Japanese fighting forces. The Japanese-controlled 
section was separated from the areas administered by the Anglo- 
Americans and the French by streets only; hence it was often 
difficult to determine exactly where the International Settlement 
and the French Concession ended and the Japanese-administered 
areas began. 

The first of these Japanese "institutions of culture" which 
sprang up within a few weeks after the Japanese occupation 
were gambling houses with opium dens attached. They were 
operated either by Chinese of the criminal type who claimed to 
be adherents of the Wang Ching-wei puppet government, or by 
Japanese ronin, a type of gangster formerly in the entourage of 
the daimyos or feudal barons. The Japanese military police who 
patrolled the area at first made an effort to close the dens, but 
the S.S.S. quickly stepped in and created a so-called "Shanghai 
Supervised Amusement Department. 1 ' 

Gambling houses, opium-smoking and heroin-dispensing dens, 
and houses of prostitution grew up like proverbial mushrooms. 
Most of the places, in addition to the payment of a heavy license 
fee, were taxed at the rate of $150 a day for medium-sized insti- 
tutions, with higher prices running up to $500 a day for the 
more elaborate "palaces." The walls of the alley-ways and streets 
adjacent to entrances of the resorts were plastered with advertis- 
ing posters, while the more imposing places used neon signs. 
Each den had its own armed guards, most of them gunmen of 
the lowest types. Nights became hideous as a result of fights 
between gangs employed by rival houses, and there were fre- 
quent assassinations. One imposing institution, which carried the 


name of "Hollywood," boasted that it had an u army" consisting 
of 400 armed guards. The Hollywood house was located on 
property belonging to Wang Ching-wei, the Japanese puppet. 
Battles between armed guards of the rival houses frequently ap- 
proached the seriousness of small wars. 

There was considerable curiosity as to the origin of the 
vast amount of gambling paraphernalia which suddenly ap- 
peared from nowhere, until it was discovered that an enterpris- 
ing Japanese had established a factory where roulette wheels, 
chuck-a-luck and fan-tan apparatus were manufactured. Consid- 
erable equipment also was purchased from a thriving gambling 
institution which had been operated for years on the border 
between British Kowloon and Chinese territory near Canton. 
Many of the Cantonese previously connected with the Canton 
gambling houses, all of whom claimed to be adherents of Wang 
Ching-wei, flocked to Shanghai and were associated with the 
Japanese ronin in operating the gambling houses and narcotic 
dens in Shanghai. Many of the houses had previously been resi- 
dences owned by foreigners who had been forced to move out 
of the district. But the foreign residences were soon found to be 
inadequate, and new buildings of flimsy materials were erected 
almost overnight. Most of these houses consisted of large gam- 
bling rooms surrounded by smaller rooms, or cubicles, containing 
opium-smoking divans. 

Since the International Settlement had for many years pro- 
hibited gambling and dealings in narcotics, the large native 
population soon found itself almost overwhelmed with opportu- 
nities to indulge in all forms of commercialized vice without fear 
of police interference. A few foreigners, not subject to exterri- 
torial control by their own consular officials, also participated in 
the operation of gambling houses, but they soon became involved 
in complications with the Japanese, who had no desire or inten- 
tion of permitting Europeans to cut in on the vice racket. One 
foreigner, a Hungarian named Joe Farren, for a time operated 
a fashionable gambling establishment in the residence district, 
but he ultimately had complications with the Japanese military 


and was sent to the notorious Bridge House Political Prison, 
where he committed suicide by hanging himself from one of the 
bars of his cell- 
Along with these manifestations of Japanese enterprise there 
was a simultaneous introduction of the so-called Central China 
Religious League, the announced purpose of which was to unite 
all the religious sects of Asia into one composite group under 
Japanese direction. Protestant and Catholic missionaries were 
"invited" to participate in this movement, the leader of which 
was a Japanese Christian, the Reverend Sabrow Yasumura. Rev- 
erend Yasumura announced that he was delegated by the Japan- 
ese Government to open a central office through which all 
communications between Occidental missionaries and Chinese 
Christians should be transmitted. He declared that Japan's ob- 
jective was to "build a strong and stable China and lay down new 
foundations for peace in East Asia in accordance with the spirit 
of imperial Japan." He exclaimed, "It is high time for all of us 
to lead the war-stricken Chinese masses, and strive for the spir- 
itual advancement of China." The Japanese papers said that the 
Reverend Yasumura had arranged for some six hundred Japanese 
Christians and Buddhists to come to China to take over the work 
formerly conducted by Occidental missionaries* He announced 
that all Chinese Christian churches, Buddhist temples, and 
monasteries were to be taken over by the new Japanese-directed 
Central China Religious League. 

All forms of Chinese business were taken over and reorgan- 
ised into cartels coordinated with similar industries in Japan. For 
example, all communication facilities, including the foreign radio 
companies, the Chinese telephone and telegraph, were taken over 
and reorganized into the Japanese-controlled Central China Tele- 
Communications Company. All Chinese industrial plants such as 
machine shops, iron works, cement factories, and cotton mills, 
which the Japanese wanted continued in operation, were taken 
over and reorganized, usually by one of the large Japanese family 
monopoly groups in Japan. This applied particularly to the cot- 


ton and silk spinning and weaving industries. Factories which 
the Japanese did not desire to continue in operation <vere closed, 
and their mechanical equipment was junked and shipped to 
Japan as scrap. 

The Japanese naval authorities paid special attention to the 
extensive Chinese fishery industry, which was conducted by 
thousands of picturesque junks, most of them owned by indi- 
viduals or family groups and organized into guilds. Since fish is 
the staple diet of China's densely populated coastal provinces, 
the fishery industry provided employment for tens of thousands 
of people who lived on their junks and spent their lives on the 
sea. After the Japanese had established their blockade of the 
coast, the Japanese naval authorities announced their decision 
to "reorganize" the Chinese fishery industry. A Japanese monop- 
oly corporation was formed and a central fish market was opened 
under Japanese supervision, which included the fixing of prices, 
for the various types and grades of fish. All Chinese fishing junk 
owners were ordered to bring their daily catch to the Japanese 
central fish market. Any junk owner who refused or attempted 
to elude the Japanese inspectors found himself in serious com- 
plications with the Japanese navy. Travelers along the coast told 
of seeing the wrecks of innumerable Chinese junks which had 
served as targets for Japanese destroyers or gunboats. 

American and European businessmen thus saw their Chinese 
business associates and friends being dispossessed and robbed of 
their property on every side. The jetties in the Japanese-occupied 
Hongkew section of the city provided a visual demonstration of 
Japan's intentions regarding Shanghai, in the enormous piles of 
scrapped machinery heaped on the wharves, awaiting transporta- 
tion to Japan. Early in the struggle many Chinese businessmen 
managed to transport essential parts of their machinery into the 
sections of the Settlement controlled by the Americans and Euro- 
peans, but their freedom from Japanese extortion was short-lived, 
for the Japanese seized everything after Pearl Harbor. 

The State Department was frequently reiterating its stock 


warning to all Americans in China who were not engaged in 
"essential" activities that they should return to the United States, 
but few became excited as a result of these warnings, which 
were always made every time there was a turnover in Chinese 
politics, local or national. Furthermore, there never was a time, 
even in 1932, when the Japanese made their first attack on 
Shanghai, when there was sufficient American or British shipping 
available on the Pacific to transport even half of the Anglo- 
American community home in any brief period of time. Also, it 
must be admitted, the Occidental population at Shanghai had 
been sitting on the rim of the volcano so long that it entertained 
little thought of the dangers involved for itself in the situation. 

But it became more and more obvious to the Americans in 
the Far East, in the summer of 1939, that the Japanese were plan- 
ning an attack on the United States. Japanese military leaders 
made no attempt to conceal their intentions, either in Tokyo or 
on the China front; many were quite open, or even boastful, of 
what they were going to do. For example, Admiral Mitsumasi 
Yonai, a Navy Minister, declared in the lower house of the Diet 
on February 5, "I feel extremely sorry for America when I hear 
that she is planning to fortify Guam." 

Probably the frankest statement of Japan's intentions ap- 
peared in a book entitled "Nichi-Bei Sen Chikashi" (Japanese- 
American War Imminent), which was written by Lieutenant- 
General Kiyokatsu Sato, a well known commentator on military 
affairs. The book was issued in the late summer of 1939, and I 
printed a summary of it in the China Weekly Review of Sep- 
tember 2, 1939, where it must have been read by our diplomats 
in the Far East. 

I had been attracted by the startling picture on the jacket, 
which was in bright red and depicted the American fleet being 
decimated and sunk by the Imperial Japanese Navy and Air 
Force. The artist who drew the lurid picture must have been 
inspired by the Japanese war god, for the drawing was prophetic 
and could have been used quite appropriately to illustrate the 
Japanese account of the destruction of the United States Fleet 


at Pearl Harbor two years later. The startling element in Gen- 
eral Sato's book was the fact that he outlined Japan's plan of attack 
on Honolulu and also later campaigns which would eventually 
bring the Japanese army in triumph to Washington, having con- 
quered the rest of the United States en route. 

Although the American community in Shanghai, businessmen 
as well as missionaries, were convinced of the certainty of a gen- 
eral war in the Far East which would involve the United States, 
there was the equally definite feeling among the members of the 
community that our people at home did not realize the serious- 
ness of the situation, or its implications from the standpoint of 
the future welfare and security of the United States. 

As a result of this conviction, the American Information Com- 
mittee was organized for the purpose of disseminating in the 
United States information regarding the threatening aspects of 
the crisis created by the Japanese occupation. Headed by a mis- 
sionary named Edwin Marks, the committee included in its mem- 
bership a large number of representatives of American business 
organizations and mission bodies, and two or three journalists. 
None received pay for his or her services, because everyone was 
prompted by an intense desire to contribute toward a better 
home understanding of the crisis. Members of the community 
who were familiar with various phases of the situation were 
called upon to prepare authenticated reports dealing with various 
phases of the Japanese occupation, and its effect on the lives and 
activities of both foreigners and Chinese. Thousands of booklets 
were prepared for diwStribution in the United States to newspapers, 
chambers of commerce, civic associations, etc. Funds covering 
the cost of printing and postage were raised in the American 
community, and members of the committee volunteered their 
services in smuggling the booklets aboard non-Japanese ships 
bound for the United States. We did not dare send them through 
the Chinese post office, which was controlled by the Japanese 

Bomb and Bayonet 

I WAS RETURNING HOME late one winter evening early in 1940 
when my chauffeur stopped the car and called my attention to 
a crowd of people grouped about an electric light pole near a 
street intersection in the French Concession. As the crowd 
shifted I noticed a man's head lying on the curb at the foot of 
the pole. 

Thinking there had been an accident, I pushed through the 
crowd of foreigners and Chinese and called to my chauffeur to 
follow me and bring the flashlight we always carried in the car. 

As my chauffeur switched on his light there was a cry of 
horror from the crowd and I started involuntarily, for there was 
no body attached to the head lying in the shadow. It was the 
head of a Chinese young man which had been cut from his body 
and propped up on the still bleeding stump of the neck against 
the foot of the pole. The head had been cut off so recently that 
there were drops of sweat on the forehead. 

The crowd, whiph had now grown to considerable propor- 
tions, including several men and women in evening dress who 
were returning home from parties or the theater, drew back from 
the gruesome sight as my chauffeur continued to play the flash- 
light about the foot of the pole. Suddenly he uttered an exclama- 
tion and directed my attention to a slip of paper, freshly writteft 
in Chinese characters, which was pasted to the light pole about 
a foot above the detached head. The chauffeur swore again as 
he read and slowly translated into pidgin English the inscription 
pasted on the pole. 

The inscription was a "warning to editors," stating that the 
head was that of a Chinese journalist who had written articles 



against the Japanese and the puppet Wang Ching-wei regime. 
It threatened that all other editors would suffer a similar fate 
unless they discontinued their attacks on the Japanese or the 
puppet, Wang Ching-wei. The beam from the flashlight in the 
hand of my chauffeur switched back to the face of the latest 
victim of a new form of Japanese atrocity and he swore again, 
exclaiming in his limited English "belong Wong from Shun Pao." 
So it was Wong, an assistant editor of one of the leading 
Chinese papers, who had disappeared mysteriously a few weeks 
previously. It had been rumored that he was taken to a notorious 
hang-out on the edge of the International Settlement known as 
"No. 76 Jessfield Road," in the center of the so-called "bad- 
lands" where the puppet Wang Ching-wei and his gangsters had 
their headquarters. The place, an old-style foreign residence, 
surrounded by a high wall with a heavy iron gate, had been taken 
over by the Wang Ching-wei crowd and fitted out with various 
forms of torture apparatus, including electrical devices for use 
in forcing victims to disclose the whereabouts of relatives and 
friends, or hiding places of jewelry or treasure. 

It was the custom to hold wealthy or influential prisoners at 
"No. 76" and permit them to observe other prisoners being tor- 
tured; and after several days of this the victims would be offered 
their freedom on condition they would agree to join the puppet 
Nanking Government, or, if they happened to be wealthy or 
had wealthy relatives, to hand over a large sum of money. Jabin 
Hsu, graduate of the University of Michigan, and formerly a 
well known journalist who had served as press relations officer 
with the National Finance Ministry, was held prisoner for a 
month in a cell from which he could observe almost daily execu- 
tions in the adjoining courtyard. To regain his freedom, Hsu 
was forced to hand over his family fortune, amounting to 
$300,000, and agree to join the staff of the puppet central bank. 
Hsu told me in an interview following his release that his captors 
had assured him that he could quickly recoup his fortune by 
becoming an officer of the puppet state bank. 

The chief jailer at "No. 76" was an ex-chauffeur named Wu 


Su-pao who had once driven the car of Stirling Fessenden, 
American chairman of the International Settlement administra- 
tion. Due to his position as the No. i chauffeur Wu became fat, 
prosperous, and arrogant. He was engaged in numerous racket- 
eering activities, including the secret sale of gasoline and tires 
from the municipal garage, to which he had access. When the 
Japanese organized the puppet Wang Ching-wei government, 
Wu Su-pao was placed in charge of the gangster hang-out at 
"No. 76." It was his custom to take the prisoners out for a walk 
in the evenings, the stroll ending up at a corner of the walled 
compound, where there were several freshly filled graves. Wu 
would then throw his arm affectionately over the victim's shoul- 
der and tell him of the benefits to be derived from joining the 
puppet regime or contributing a liberal sum to its support. It 
was hardly necessary for him to mention the consequences of 

But Chinese newspapermen almost to a man remained loyal 
to their government, despite the fact that the foreign settlements 
were entirely surrounded by the Japanese army and they were 
in constant danger of assassination. Also they had an almost fan- 
atical faith in the ability of the Americans and Britons to hold 
the International Settlement. 

As the situation grew more serious the Japanese and puppet 
assassins intensified their attacks on the Chinese papers. One 
evening as I was working in my office there was a heavy dull 
explosion in the vicinity, which shook the building. A bomb had 
been thrown into the office of the Hua Mei Wm Pao, a Chinese 
paper which had its office next door to the building occupied by 
the China Press and the China Weekly Review, Several news- 
boys and office coolies were killed. On another occasion six 
hand-grenades were thrown at the windows of the Shin Ptto, 
resulting in the killing of one printer and the wounding of sev- 
eral others. Other bombs were exploded on the front steps lead- 
ing to the office of the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, and 


on one occasion a bomb was secreted in the printing press, but 
there were no casualties, and little damage resulted. 

Later, however, the Evening Post suffered a real tragedy 
when Samuel H. Chang, editor of the Post's Chinese edition, was 
shot in the back and killed by an assassin as he was sitting in a 
German restaurant on Nanking Road in the International Settle- 
ment. Sammy, who was well known among the foreign cor- 
respondents as a source of information on political developments, 
had been accustomed to stopping at the restaurant in the after- 
noons for a cup of coffee and a sandwich. The assassin was never 
apprehended, but the police discovered that Sammy's car had 
been trailed by a car belonging to Tang Leang-li, the Nazi- 
trained agent of Wang Ching-wei, but they were not able to 
determine whether Tang was the actual murderer. 

Samuel H. Chang was born in Swatow, China, and was gradu- 
ated from Haverford College in Pennsylvania, After his return 
to China he worked on three American papers, the North China 
Star, the China Press, and the Shanghai Evening Post and Mer- 
cury. His wife was a member of a well known Chinese family 
living in Salt Lake City, Utah, The assassination of Sammy Chang 
brought home to foreign newspapermen the seriousness of the 
Japanese attack on the free press which had existed in the Inter- 
national Settlement almost from its establishment in 1842. It also 
caused me to remember a threat by a Japanese gendarmerie offi- 
cer that all American-educated Chinese would ultimately be 
assassinated or driven from the country after the Japanese had 
won the war. 

The most serious gangster attack on any Chinese paper, how- 
ever, was on the Chinese edition of the China Press, which was 
printed in a warehouse adjoining our office and reached from the 
street by a narrow alley-way. One night six armed gangsters 
attempted to enter the printing plant but were detected by the 
watchman, who slammed shut the heavy iron gate, blocking their 
entrance. A policeman was attracted by the commotion and fired 
several shots at the gangsters. The shots were returned, and as 


more policemen came up the fight grew to the proportions of a 
battle. An American ex-sailor named Tug Wilson, who owned 
a near-by bar and restaurant frequented by newspapermen, ran 
across the street to assist the police and was shot dead. One 
Chinese pedestrian was killed, several were wounded, and plate 
glass windows on both sides of the block were shattered. The 
gangsters managed to reach their car and escaped, but not before 
killing a policeman on another street who attempted to halt 
them as they sped toward the "badlands." 

In July, 1941, there came the first attack on American and 
other foreign newspapermen. The Central China Daily News, 
organ of the Wang Ching-wei puppet regime, published a "black- 
list" of local newspapermen who, it declared, were scheduled for 
early "deportation." The list contained the names of seven for- 
eigners and some eighty Chinese newspapermen. It was rumored 
that Tang Leang-li had been assisted in compiling the list by a 
renegade foreign newspaperman who had been on Tang's pay- 
roll for two or three years but had suddenly left the city after 
the publication of the list. 

The foreigners listed for "deportation" included my name at 
the top, followed by those of C. V. Starr, publisher, and Randall 
Gould, editor of the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury; Car- 
roll Alcott, member of the staff of the China Press and radio 
commentator over the American station XMHA; Hal R Mills, 
editor of a theatrical journal and nominal editor of the Chinese 
paper Hua Mei Wan Pao; Norwood F. Allman, lawyer and reg- 
istered owner of the Shun Pao; and a Briton, J. A. E. Sanders- 
Bates, manager of the University Press, which published several 
Chinese papers. At the top of the Chinese list was the name of 
Woo Kya-tang, a brilliant Chinese journalist, a graduate of the 
School of Journalism of the University of Missouri, who was 
managing editor of the China Press. Woo was married to an 
American girl, a former classmate at the university, Betty Hart 
of Kansas City. The names of more than a dozen members of the 


editorial and mechanical staffs of the Shun Pao were also on 
the list. 

Immediately after the publication of the "black-list" the 
municipal police stationed guards at all of the newspaper offices, 
and in my casement a plain-clothes Chinese detective to sit in my 
front office and accompany me as I walked home in the evenings. 
Several days later, in the afternoon, as I was walking toward the 
American Club where I had resided for several years, I was 
struck on my back below my shoulder by an object which I 
thought was a piece of wood about a foot and a half long and 
about two inches in diameter. I was nearly knocked down by 
the blow, and, thinking a piece of timber had fallen from a 
scaffolding where carpenters were making repairs, I glanced 
upward, but saw nothing. I then looked at the object which had 
glanced off my back against the wall of the building and was 
still rolling along the sidewalk a few feet from where I was 
standing. Noticing that it was wrapped in a newspaper, and not 
suspecting its nature, I reached down and picked it up. As my 
fingers closed on the missile I realized that it was a "potato- 
masher" type of hand-grenade used by both the Japanese and 
Chinese armies. I resisted the impulse to drop it, as I noticed that 
the cord which released the mechanism had only been pulled 
part way out; had I thrown it down the shock might have 
caused it to explode. It was nothing short of a miracle that it 
had failed to explode when it glanced off my shoulder and struck 
the building. 

By this time my bodyguard, who was walking several feet 
behind me on the crowded sidewalk, came running up and I 
showed him the hand-grenade. He immediately drew his revolver 
and glanced around at the crowd which had begun to assemble. 
I told him to go to the corner and summon a policeman, in the 
meantime carefully placing the explosive on the sidewalk and 
motioning the people to keep away from it. Soon a Chinese 
policeman hurried up and after I had explained the incident he, 


with what seemed to me a singular lack of imagination, also 
picked up the grenade and carried it, held at arm's length in 
front of him, with my bodyguard walking ahead to clear the 
way, to the central police station, where it was immersed in a 
bucket of water. Examination showed it to be a live bomb, but 
the man who tossed it had been apparently in too great a hurry 
as he failed to pull the firing pin out sufficiently to cause the 
grenade to explode. It was suggested in some quarters that the 
intention might have been only to frighten me and cause me to 
discontinue my critical editorial policy regarding the activities 
of the Japanese and their puppets. The police, however, dis- 
counted this suggestion. 

A few days after the attack on me a man having close con- 
nections with both the Japanese and the Nanking puppets called 
on me and suggested that I "sell" the China Weekly Review. 
I indignantly rejected the offer. 

Japanese and puppet attacks on the press of the International 
Settlement were not confined to attempts to assassinate editors 
and news writers. Since the Japanese had seized the central 
Chinese post office when they occupied the Hongkew section of 
the International Settlement, they immediately banned the trans- 
mission through the mail of any newspapers of whose policies 
they disapproved. However, the presence of Japanese censors 
and inspectors in the post office was not sufficient to intimidate 
members of the loyal Chinese postal staff, who secretly cooper- 
ated with the newspapers in helping them elude the Japs. The 
practice was for the loyal clerks in the post office to telephone 
the circulation managers of papers at night and tell them when 
the Jap guards had gone out to eat, or were asleep or drunk. The 
circulation clerks would then rush the papers to the post office, 
where the sacks would be stamped with counterfeit seals indicat- 
ing they had been passed by the Japanese censors. The loyal 
Chinese clerks became so skillful in eluding the Japanese postal 
censors that it almost amounted to the operation of dual post 
offices, one subject to Japanese censorship and the other operated 


by the loyal staff who defied the Japs. As proof of the skill of the 
postal staff, they succeeded in smuggling out of Japanese-con- 
trolled Shanghai and into Free China the last issue of the China 
Weekly Review, dated December 6, 1941, issued from the press 
only a few hours before the Japanese crossed the boundaries of 
the International Settlement. 

Of the seven foreign newspapermen "black-listed" for de- 
portation or assassination three, G V. Starr, Randall Gould, 
and Carroll Alcott, shortly departed for the United States on one 
of the last American ships and thus missed the fury of the Japs 
after Pearl Harbor. Another, Norwood Altaian, had gone to 
Hong Kong to arrange for shipments of print paper. He was 
caught there and imprisoned in Camp Stanley until repatriated 
on the Gripsholm. My son, John Wm. Powell, who had been a 
reporter on the China Press, also departed on one of the last 
American ships. 

Why did I remain in Shanghai? 

That question is difficult, because it involves both tangible 
and intangible factors. Among the tangible factors was my staff 
of loyal Chinese assistants in the front office and mechanical 
department who had stuck by me, some almost throughout the 
period of my residence in Shanghai. This loyalty extended down 
to the lowest coolie on the staff, who slept in the office and car- 
ried the mail past the Japanese pickets, who never spared their 
bayonets if anything aroused their suspicion. I had no intention 
of abandoning them to the Japanese, who would certainly take 
vengeance on them in case I departed, 

Next among the tangibles was the fact that, in addition to my 
regular newspaper work, I was director of a secret radio station 
owned by Press Wireless, Inc., which had been operated under 
the nose of the Japanese censors who controlled all the other 
communication services, including the cable companies and the 
American R.C.A., and Mackay radio services. As the situation 
became more critical it became all the more vital that the last 
remaining uncensored radio service be kept in operation. We 


succeeded in accomplishing this seemingly impossible task up to 
10 o'clock on the morning of December 7, 1941, and cleared all 
the messages telling of the occupation of Shanghai, before the 
Japs found our station and took it over. 

Among the intangible factors was loyalty to the community. 
Although the State Department and the navy had provided means 
of transportation for many of the women and children and others 
whose work was not regarded as "essential," a majority of the 
Americans, both businessmen and missionaries, remained. There 
was another, a smaller group, who imagined they were on such 
good terms with the Japanese that they would be able to con- 
tinue without molestation. One man boasted that he had enter- 
tained so many Japanese army officers, he was sure he wouldn't 
be interfered with. He also boasted of the handsome fees he had 
received as retainers from the Japanese (before Pearl Harbor). 
There were still others who "went over" entirely to the Japanese 
and accepted employment with them. This included several 
newspapermen, one of whom became a broadcaster and news 
commentator over the Japanese station and denounced several 
of his colleagues as "espionage officers who had worked against 
the Japanese." Other American and British newspapermen con- 
tinued in positions on two newspapers, the Shanghai Evening 
Post (American) and the Shanghai Times (British), which had 
been taken over by the Japanese and continued in publication 
under Japanese editors. 


Shadow of the Hun 

IF ONE COULD ONLY SEE into the future for six months, three 
months, one month, one day! 

Shanghai newspapers, read now, more than three years after 
the Japs landed on the Shanghai Bund, almost simultaneously 
with Pearl Harbor, show many signs of the coming storm. But 
at the time neither the readers nor the editors of the Shanghai 
newspapers realized the tragedy in store for them. 

Of greatest significance perhaps were the accounts of the 
influx of German Nazis, many of whom had been expelled from 
the United States and Latin America. At the top of the list was 
Captain Fritz Wiedemann, former German Consul-General at 
San Francisco and aide to Hitler's master of intrigue, Propaganda 
Minister Paul Joseph Goebbels. Wiedemann arrived at Shanghai 
early in October, 1941. Reports issued by the German news 
agencies stated that Wiedemann was scheduled for the post of 
Consul-General at Tientsin, on its face quite a come-down from 
the important post he had occupied at San Francisco, speeding 
Nazi propaganda and propagandists from the New World to the 
ancient Orient and vice versa. But the dashing Wiedemann's 
talents were not to be wasted at the little North China port. 

Wiedemann's arrival in the Orient was in keeping with his 
usual flair for the dramatic. He declared in an interview that the 
British had given him safe-conduct, whereas the British probably 
would have given a great deal to have apprehended him. He had 
tried to leave San Francisco secretly on a Japanese ship but was 
detected, taken ashore by the United States authorities, sent 



across the country under guard to New York, and back to Ger- 
many on a special ship along with other Nazi agents. However, 
he did not remain long in Germany and suddenly turned up, 
supposedly from a submarine, at the Nazi base in Latin America, 
Buenos Aires, capital of Argentina. Here he boarded a Japanese 
boat for Tokyo, bearing numerous briefcases and suitcases filled 
with documents for the Nazi Ambassador in Tokyo and other 
Nazi agents in the Far East, including Herr M. Fischer, German 
diplomatic representative to the Japanese-supported puppet 
Wang Chingwei in Nanking. 

The reason for Wiedemann's appointment to the unimportant 
consular position at Tientsin was disclosed shortly after his arrival 
in Shanghai. The Nazis expected an early collapse of Soviet 
Russia, following an attack by Hitler in the East and Japan in 
the West, and were preparing an organization to accompany an 
expected Japanese invasion of Outer Mongolia and Siberia from 
Manchukuo. The Japanese had long been training a White Rus- 
sian "army" in Tientsin for use in the Siberian adventure. The 
Russian army, consisting possibly of two regiments conscripted 
in the Russian communities in North China and Manchuria, was 
nominally headed by the old Cossack Ataman Semenoff, who 
had been in Japanese pay since the Russian revolution. 

Wiedemann's arrival in Shanghai was rightly regarded as 
evidence of an active Nazi diplomatic offensive in the Far East, 
designed to offset Anglo-American efforts to force a Japanese 
withdrawal from China. Hitler had long since withdrawn all 
German military advisers from Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek's 
headquarters, in deference to Japan's wishes, and had granted 
diplomatic recognition to the puppet state of Manchukuo and 
the puppet government of Wang Ching-wei at Nanking. Wiede- 
mann had attended the celebration of the anniversary of the 
signing of the Anti-Comintern Pact in Tokyo on September 27, 
and had conferred with the growing colony of some 3,ooo-odd 
German experts who had arrived in Japan, chiefly from Mexico 
and other Latin-American countries, in mid-October, These 
experts included reinforcements for embassy and consular staffs 


in both China and Japan, but of even more importance were 
several specialists for service in key posts in the Japanese Gov- 
ernment, particularly in the Home Ministry. German propa- 
gandists arriving in Shanghai gave out interviews, published in 
English in the Nazi propaganda organs in Shanghai, forecasting 
that the Japanese- American conversations in Washington "were 
certain to be disrupted." 

The British had attempted to break the tide of Nazi agents 
and propaganda which was flowing into Japan and China from 
United States West Coast ports, chiefly San Francisco. A British 
naval vessel intercepted the Japanese liner Asama Mam outside 
Yokohama, and removed several high Nazi officials who were 
on their way to Japan and China from the United States and 
South America. Later, the British ship was forced to hand most 
of these officials back to the Japanese, following a strong protest 
by the Tokyo authorities. The German Ambassador in Tokyo, 
Eugene Ott, had participated in the Japanese protest from behind 
the scenes. 

Other well known Nazi agents who arrived secretly in the 
Far East by way of Japan included Dr. Johannes Borchers, who 
was scheduled for the post of Consul-General in Shanghai. 
Borchers had previously served as Consul-General in New York. 
Another, who had arrived somewhat earlier and had inaugurated 
the Nazi- White Russian set-up at Tientsin, was Walther Fucffe. 
Reports in the papers stated that his primary object was to stir 
up anti-Russian unrest in North China and Outer Mongolia, and 
to lay the foundation for an Axis orbit in Asia that would facili- 
tate the link-up between Japan and Germany following the 
anticipated collapse of Russia. The Germans also expected to 
take over the International Settlement and the French Conces- 
sion at Shanghai following the outbreak of war between Japan 
and the Anglo-American Powers, and had the personnel ready 
for the various offices. 

Upon Wiedeinann's arrival in Shanghai there was a confer- 
ence of all high Nazi officials in the Far East in the quarters of 


the Nazi "center," which included the German School, the Nazi 
drill hall, and a radio station, located in Chinese territory con- 
trolled by the puppet Wang Ching-wei Government, but directly 
across the street from the border of the International Settlement. 
The conference was attended by Dr. Martin Fischer, German 
Minister to the Wang Ching-wei Government; Ernst Wendler, 
German minister to Thailand (Siam), and Christian Zinsser, Act- 
ing Consul-General at Shanghai. Zinsser had previously been 
expelled from Guatemala and Honduras for Nazi intrigue. 
Another attendant at the conference was a Colonel Meysinger, 
allegedly a high member of the Gestapo who had been sent to 
the Far East for special work. 

Other lesser-fry Nazi agents and propagandists who arrived 
in Shanghai in the weeks immediately preceding Pearl Harbor 
included Dr. Klaus Mehnert, who had long been a Nazi secret 
agent and propagandist while serving as a member of the faculty 
of the University of Hawaii at Honolulu. Soon after his arrival 
in Shanghai Dr. Mehnert started an English-language magazine 
which he called The XXth Century. Mehnert spoke English so 
perfectly that no one suspected he was German until he started 
the Nazi magazine. Another well known Nazi propagandist who 
arrived by way of Buenos Aires, San Francisco, Honolulu, and 
Tokyo was C Flick or Flick-Steger, who had received his edu- 
cation in the United States and was thought by many to be an 
American citizen. Flick had gone to Germany, where he served 
for several years as assistant to Karl von Wiegand, Hearst's well 
known Berlin correspondent. Karl von Wiegand was also in 
Shanghai and had resided at the Park Hotel for many months, 
where he covered the Far Eastern situation in weekly dispatches 
to the Hearst press. Von Wiegand, an American citizen, 
had a wide acquaintance with both German and Japanese official- 
dom. He received almost daily communications from the Tokyo 
Foreign Minister, which enabled him to scoop the other cor- 
respondents. His daughter was married to a German physician 
who had resided in Shanghai for many years. Flick-Steger was 


manager of the Nazi radio stations XGRS and XHHB in Shang- 
hai, broadcasting in English and , Chinese. The chief English- 
language news commentator and broadcaster was Herbert Moy, 
a New York born and educated Chinese. He was assisted by 
another American citizen, Robert Fodder, who went to Shanghai 
originally as a jazz-band leader in a Shanghai night club. Another 
Chinese-American connected with the German Transocean 
News Service in Shanghai was Francis Lee, but he resigned after 
Pearl Harbor, and, accompanied by two other American cor- 
respondents, succeeded in escaping to Chungking. 

Nazi propaganda in Shanghai was mainly anti- American and 
anti-Jewish in character, the two terms usually being linked 
together in Nazi references to American officialdom and State 
Department policies* The first distribution of anti-Jewish propa- 
ganda, probably the first in Shanghai's history, took place in a 
novel manner. When the German Nazi diplomats and agents 
began arriving in Shanghai in large numbers in 1940 and 1941, 
they found all of the British-owned hotels closed to them. They 
therefore took up quarters at the Park Hotel, a new Chinese- 
owned hostelry, which had been built on American lines. It was 
the tallest building in the city, sixteen stories, fronting on the 
Race Course, chief recreation center for foreigners in the city. 
One Saturday afternoon in late October when the Race Course 
was filled with people attending the fall race meeting, the sky 
was suddenly filled with leaflets as though distributed from an 
airplane. The leaflets contained anti- Jewish inscriptions printed 
in both English and Chinese. It was discovered that the leaflets 
had been distributed from the tower of the Park Hotel, and had 
been carried by the high wind over the Race Course. 

There was a tragic element involved in the initiation of anti- 
Jewish propaganda, always a preliminary to anti- Jewish persecu- 
tion, due to the fact that there had arrived in Shanghai in recent 
months some 25,000 Jewish refugees from Germany and Austria. 
Many of these refugees had arrived in Shanghai after months of 
travel about the world seeking a place to land. They had 


finally come to Shanghai, because it was the only port in the 
world where a passport visa was not necessary for landing privi- 
leges in the International Settlement. The refugees were quar- 
tered in tenement property where they were supported by funds 
raised locally or transmitted from Jewish relief societies in New 
York and London. They were greatly assisted by two well 
known Jewish residents of the Settlement, Sir Victor Sassoon, 
British, and M. Speelman, Dutch, large property owners, who 
provided free quarters for the refugees. The Japanese seized all 
of the property after Pearl Harbor and forced the refugees to 
live in a squalid "ghetto" on the Nazi order. The New York 
committee sent a representative to Shanghai to supervise the dis- 
tribution of food, clothing, and financial assistance. 

Financial assistance took the form of small loans to individuals 
and groups to enable them to engage in business activities to 
which they had been accustomed before being expelled from 
their homes by the German Nazis. In some quarters it was thought 
that the advent of Jewish refugees from Germany and Austria 
might be beneficial to the commercial life of Shanghai, as the 
Jews, being adept at the management of small businesses, would 
tend to offset the influx of Japanese which had followed the mili- 
tary invasion in 1937. At any rate it was hoped that they might 
be able to bridge over the time until they could be located else- 
where or possibly return to their homes in Europe. 

Thousands of the Jewish refugees had begun to gain a foot- 
hold in the Shanghai community as small merchants or in pro- 
fessional lines, when the fresh storm of Nazi propaganda broke 
about their heads. Most of the Nazi circulars followed familiar 
lines. One circular distributed early in November contained the 
names of 2jo Shanghai Jewish firms or American and British 
firms which employed Jewish clerks or assistants. The list was 
accompanied by a letter ordering all "Aryans" to boycott the 
Jewish firms and threatening, in the event of non-compliance, 
that violators would have their names and photographs supplied 
to the head Nazi organization in Berlin for "appropriate action," 
the nature of which was left to the imagination. The long arm 


of German Nazism was extending into the Orient as it already 
had done in North and South America. 

Previously there had never been any manifestations of anti- 
Semitism among either the Chinese or the Japanese. Most of the 
Jews already resident in the large cities of China and Japan had 
reached the Orient by way of Bagdad, Aden, Bombay, and Singa- 
pore. China in her ancient past had absorbed a large colony of 
Jews which had settled in Honan Province. The origin of the 
once numerous and thriving Jewish colony at the city of Kai- 
f eng, Honan, has always remained a mystery, but modern investi- 
gation had proved the fact of its existence. Numerous descend- 
ants of the early Jews are to be found there today, speaking 
Chinese, wearing Chinese clothes, and living as other members 
of the Chinese community do. Other colonies of Oriental Jews 
which settled at Japanese ports, particularly Kobe, also had been 
absorbed into the local Japanese communities. 

The list of business firms which the Nazi circular scheduled 
for boycotting was interesting, as it indicated the type of busi- 
nesses in which the German refugees were engaged: fur stores, 
pharmacies, women's tailors, photographers, leather and handbag 
shops, children's garments, shoes and stockings, food and provi- 
sions, jewelers, art dealers, men's tailors also selling woolen cloth, 
beauty parlors, cabarets, theaters, night clubs. There were sixty- 
nine women's dress-making and tailor shops in the list. It was 
rumored that there had been considerable racketeering in connec- 
tion with the compilation of the list, as the Nazi promoters had 
offered to omit names of particular shops where the proprietors 
were willing or able to pay bribes. The Nazi organization which 
had charge of this phase of the anti- Jewish "drive" occupied a 
suite in the Park Hotel Tower which rented for $2,500 a month. 

When the Japanese occupation threw Shanghai's commercial 
life into confusion the refugee Jewish population enjoyed a tem- 
porary prosperity, for much of the merchandise which the Japa- 
nese looted from Anglo-American homes and offices was sold 
to the second-hand stores and pawnshops and then became a 


matter of public barter. Hundreds of the refugees would con- 
gregate at the corner of Nanking and Szechwan Roads, adjacent 
to the Shanghai branch of the Chase Bank, reminiscent of the old 
curb market in New York. Here one could buy anything from 
a worn fur coat or a second-hand dress to a dozen aspirin tablets. 
One heard of lucky individuals who had cornered this or that 
article, and the prices in the inflated currency shot up to unbe- 
lievable heights. A suit of tailor-made clothes cost $4,000 or 
$5,000 Chinese; a pair of shoes, anywhere from $500 to $1,500. 
An amusing story was told about an enterprising Viennese who 
went around to all the second-hand stores and pawnshops and 
bought up all the garments containing "zippers," thus making 
himself the controller of this important product, as no more 
could be imported and they could not be manufactured locally. 
The results of the German anti-Jewish propaganda were soon 
apparent. Neither the Japanese nor their Chinese puppets were 
interested in the ideological phases of anti-Semitism as spread by 
Hitler's Nazi agents, but they were not averse to -taking advan- 
tage of the movement for purposes of selfish gain. An English- 
language paper, having Japanese and puppet Chinese backing, 
published an editorial charging that wealthy Shanghai Jews had 
extended financial assistance to the Kuomintang Party. The edi- 
torial contained the following revealing paragraph: 

. . . there is not the slightest doubt that the situation in which 
China finds herself today would never have been of such duration, 
except for financial assistance extended to the Kuomintang Govern- 
ment ... by the Jews. It is estimated that at least 75 per cent of the 
revenues of most local commercial establishments go to the Jews 
. . . this is also true in the biggest cities of the world, London and 
New York. . . . Berlin is the one exception now. 

The allegation that 75 per cent of the income of local indus- 
tries and business establishments went to Jews was untrue, as 
revenue statistics of the International Settlement showed that 
approximately four-fifths of the local taxes were paid by Chinese 
retail properties, industrial or large commercial interests. It was 


true that the largest blocks of downtown real estate were owned 
by Jews, the Sassoons, Ezras, Hardoons, Shamoons, and others, 
most of whom were from Persia, Arabia, or India, and had Brit- 
ish nationality. The Sassoons had made vast fortunes in India 
and had made heavy investments in Shanghai following the 
Nationalist Revolution in 1927. Most of the Sassoon investments 
were in hotels, apartment houses, and office buildings, and the 
Japanese and their puppets immediately saw the possibilities for 
profit through seizure of Sassoon properties in the event of war. 
The process was started by the Nanking Government when it 
confiscated the property of the Hardoon estate. After Pearl 
Harbor the Japanese Government seized all the Sassoon and 
Shamoon properties, announcing that the action had been taken 
in order to "protect" the properties. 

Shanghai was flooded not only with anti-Jewish propaganda, 
but also with general Nazi propaganda, including every known 
type of booklet and circular. I made a collection of thirty sepa- 
rate types of Nazi propaganda literature distributed in Shanghai, 
and presumably in other Chinese cities, in the six months preced- 
ing Pearl Harbor. The collection ranged from illustrated maga- 
zines, with the usual quota of rotogravure German damsels in 
the nude, to books of 300 pages. One book, entitled, "How They 
Lie," consisted of excerpts from the American United Press and 
British Renter's new services, skillfully arranged in parallel col- 
umns to emphasize the difference between official British state- 
ments and the final outcome of particular events referred to in 
the dispatches, such as Hitler's Balkan campaign, the drive into 
Greece, Crete, etc. Another booklet, "Two Men on a Boat," 
dealt sarcastically with the Roosevelt-Churchill "Eight Point 
Declaration." On the back page was the following reference to 
the President of the United States: 

Surrounded by a group of rapacious financiers and money-sharks, 
resentful and vindictive Jews, armament profiteers, and other rogues, 
he sought re-election for a third term by deliberate lying. He sol- 
emnly promised to keep the United States out of war. So soon as the 
third term was secure, he all of a sudden discovered all manner of 


perils allegedly threatening the Western Hemisphere. When the 
American people still persisted in declining participation in Britain's 
war, Roosevelt cast away the mask. ... His latest order to the 
American Navy to shoot on Axis vessels at sight, is a plain act of war. 
To pursue the selfish aims of his plutocratic war-clique, he will sac- 
rifice American lives. ... He feels no compunction at making all 
decent and peaceful Americans labour and toil for their own enslave- 
ment. . . . History will call it the greatest betrayal ever perpetrated 
by a President against the American people. . . . Look for the 

Aside from the ami- American broadcasts over the Nazi radio 
stations, the Nazi organization also inaugurated extensive anti- 
American propaganda campaigns in Chinese through the puppet 
Wang Ching-wei vernacular newspapers. In this way they were 
assisted by Tang Leang-li, who was Wang Ching-wefs chief 
secretary and propagandist. The head of the Nazi press bureau 
in Shanghai was F. Cordt, who spent much of his time with offi- 
cials of the puppet Government in Nanking. 

Chief organ for dissemination of anti-American propaganda 
was the German Transocean News Service. The issue of the 
Chirm Weekly Review for October 4, 1941, only two months 
before Pearl Harbor, contained a summary of anti-American re- 
ports which had appeared in Transocean. One dispatch from 
Stockholm said that "living standards in the United States were 
being impaired in order to supply Great Britain with adequate 
assistance/' The summary in the Review follows; 

A dispatch from Berlin on Sept. 4, distributed in Shanghai by 
Transocean under the heading of "Commentary," referred to Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's Labor Day address as demonstrating all the charac- 
teristics of "brutal force and lust for power." [It] declared, "even 
the citizens of the United States must ask themselves whether it is riot 
the policy of their President which, with its brutal penetration of 
South America, with its interference in the sphere of purely Euro- 
pean interests, and with its continuous sabre-rattling, bears all the 
characteristics of brutal force and lust for power," In the third para- 
graph the German report dragged in its old favorite, "Jewish influ- 
ence.* 1 The following statement appeared, u . . . it is known to every- 


body that under the regime of Franklin Roosevelt even in boom times 
ii millions were unemployed in the United States. * . . Roosevelt, 
the 'Democrat' who is in his office as the paid servant of Jewry, has 
now entered a moral alliance with the deadly enemy of every democ- 
racy, with Bolshevism.'* 

Transocean followed a consistent policy of reporting fully all 
anti-administration speeches of Senator Wheeler, Lindbergh and all 
comment against the Administration which appeared in such papers 
as the Chicago Tribune and the Hearst press. In this connection 
Transocean performed an interesting journalistic "stunt" by cabling 
back to Shanghai practically all of the dispatches sent from Shanghai 
to the Hearst press in the United States by the Hearst correspondent, 
Karl von Wiegand, who was stationed in Shanghai. In other words, 
von Wiegand, who obtained most of his information from Nazi and 
Japanese sources in Shanghai and wired his reports to the Hearst 
press, may, if he wishes, read his dispatches all over again in Trans- 
ocean reports from Berlin and New York a few days later. 

The German news service also displayed in its reports distributed 
in Shanghai, deepest compassion for the "unfortunate victims of 
American aggression in Iceland." One Transocean dispatch revealed 
the alleged contents of a letter written by an Icelander to a relative 
in South America which, according to the report, "fell into German 
hands." The letter said that the Americans had "invaded our country 
like a swarm of locusts," a curious figure of speech to be used by a 
resident of an Arctic land. The Icelander expressed the fear that the 
Americans would consume all of the available food on the island and 
that the inhabitants would starve "because the effective German 
submarine blockade was sinking tonnage in our waters with greatest 

On September 25, a Transocean dispatch referring to the proposal 
to arm merchantmen, quoted an editorial which had appeared in a 
Berlin publication and was headed "Roosevelt Running Amuck." 

On September 28, there was a brief Transocean dispatch from 
Mexico City, which quoted a complaint that a Mexican tanker had 
to spend a week in the port of Houston, Texas, awaiting repairs, 
"because preferential treatment in U.S. dockyards is being given to 
damaged British ships." 

Also, on September 28, there was another interesting dispatch 
quoting the world-famous Swedish explorer, Sven Hedin, as declaring 
that the war "which Stalin had been preparing in order to extinguish 
Western civilization and Christianity would be a thousand times 
worse than was the onslaught on western civilization by the Mon- 


golian tribes in former centuries." Sven Hedin asked "whether 
Americans were without pangs of conscience in putting weapons in 
the hands of the Bolsheviks in order to assist them in their fight 
against Italians, Germans, Finns, Hungarians, Slovakians and Ruman- 
ians," Sven Hedin's article appeared in a new Berlin periodical named 
"Berlin-Rome-Tokyo" and described as an organ "close to the Wil- 
helmstrasse," This was apparently the first indication to reach the 
Far East that Sven Hedin, well known Swedish explorer in the Far 
East, had allegedly cast his lot with the Nazis, 

Nazi propaganda against Americans and Britons in Shanghai 
displayed a viciousness which may have indicated that the Ger- 
mans had not forgotten their animosities over the part played by 
the British, Americans and French in deporting them from 
Shanghai after the fighting ceased at the end of World War I. 
Since China, in World War I, had delayed declaration of war 
against the Germans, the deportation was not carried out until 
after the armistice. As the deportation, which was carried out 
by the Americans, British and French, involved a serious loss of 
face on the part of the Germans in the eyes of the Chinese, the 
Germans were deeply resentful. The deportation incident was 
later dramatized by several German writers in books and plays 
which were used by the Nazis to stir up hatred against the Allies. 

History Punctuated 

I WAS AWAKENED ABOUT 4 O'CLOCK on the morning of Decem- 
ber 8, 1941, by what I thought was the explosion of three or 
four large firecrackers outside my window. I did not realize that 
the explosion marked the end of International Shanghai as it had 
existed for almost a century since 1842. 

The explosion seemed to come from the street just outside 
my window in the American Club, about two blocks from the 
Bund, the street which runs along the Whangpoo River, Shang- 
hai's harbor. 

When the blasts were followed by several more, I realized 
something had happened which I as a newspaper man should 
investigate. Hurriedly putting on my clothes, I ran downstairs. 
As I reached the front door the watchman, a White Russian, 
exclaimed, "Japanese come!" 

I ran toward the Bund, overtaking on my way two other 
newspaper correspondents, who also lived at the club and had 
been awakened by the bombs. Our way to the Bund was blocked 
by a Japanese sailor in full war equipment. He pointed a rifle at 
us, with bayonet fixed. We turned back to the next cross-street, 
only to find that all of the streets leading to the Bund were 
barred by armed Japanese, who were gradually extending their 
lines into the business section, 

Our curiosity was stimulated by the fact that the whole 
waterfront was suddenly illuminated by a large fire. Someone 
suggested we climb to the roof of one of the buildings back from 
the Bund, which we did, and discovered that the fire came from 
a ship which had been anchored almost directly in front of the 
International Settlement. 



Two smaller fires, which seemed to be floating about the 
harbor, turned out to be launches. Near the burning ship was 
anchored the U.S.S. Wake, a river patrol boat which the United 
States Navy had used for several years on the Yangtze. 

The Wake was brilliantly illuminated and appeared to be a 
hive of activity. We were joined by other newspaper men con- 
nected with the press associations, who told us news had just 
been received that Japan had attacked Pearl Harbor, had de- 
stroyed the American Fleet, had declared war on the United 
States and Britain, and was in the process of occupying Shanghai. 

The blazing ship in the harbor was the British gunboat Petrel, 
which had been dynamited by its crew when the Japanese sent 
a destroyer alongside and demanded its surrender. We won- 
dered what had happened aboard the Wake, because it carried 
a contingent of American sailors, who had previously retired 
from the navy and had been engaged in various occupations in 
Shanghai, prior to being called up for service in recent weeks- 
It had been rumored among the foreigners in Shanghai that 
the Americans also had planted dynamite in the hold of the 
Wake and intended to sink the vessel in the event of Japanese 

The regular crew of the Wake, as well as all other American 
service men, including the Fourth United States Marines, had 
been transferred to Manila several days previously by order of 
Admiral Thomas Charles Hart, stationed in the Philippines. 
Admiral Hart, since retired from the navy and sent to the United 
States Senate by his home State, Connecticut, is a submarine 
expert and deserves much credit for our submarine campaign, a 
disastrous one for Japanese shipping. 

The highest ranking American naval officer at Shanghai be- 
fore the attack, Rear Admiral William A. Glassford, Jr,, had 
taken all the American river patrol boats excepting the Wake 
to Manila, a somewhat precarious enterprise because the boats 
were not constructed for sea service and all would have been 
swamped had they run into a typhoon. 

Since there had been a crew of some twenty-five aboard the 


Wake, we wondered why they had not put up some resistance 
or sunk the ship, as the British had done with the Petrel. We 
learned later that the Wake was only left in Shanghai for radio 
communication purposes by the American consulate. 

We also learned later that most of the American sailors on 
the Wake jumped overboard and swam to a Panamanian freighter 
anchored in the harbor, where they were concealed by the crew. 

There was a valuable radio equipment on the Wake which 
the Japs seized. 

The Japanese made a great to-do about the capture of the 
American vessel, which was exploited in Japan and in the Japa- 
nese-controlled press in China. One would have thought from 
the description of the capture that the Wake was a io,ooo~ton 
cruiser rather than a gunboat of a few hundred tons. The Japa- 
nese incorporated the Wake into their navy and renamed it the 
Tatara Maru. 

By 10 A.M. the military occupation of Shanghai had extended 
over most of the city. As controller of Press Wireless, I urged 
the correspondents to get their stories off as soon as possible, 
knowing the Japanese would quickly seize all communications. 
I followed my own advice by filing to the Daily Herald, Lon- 
don, and also assisted some of the other correspondents who had 
not yet arrived on the scene. 

Press Wireless, a radio communication service devoted ex- 
clusively to news messages, is owned by a group of leading news- 
papers in the United States. All the stories telling of the occupa- 
tion of the city whith got to the world's press went out over 
this station, because the Japanese already had guards in all the 
other cable and radio offices, and no messages of any kind could 
be sent They had the city securely bottled up, excepting the 
one "leak," which was the Press Wireless circuit to Manila and 
San Francisco. 

However, there was one other American radio station in 
Shanghai, which the Japs did not get. It was located at the 
American consulate and was used for official messages. An Amer- 


icati marine was guarding the station when a squad of Japanese 
soldiers arrived to take it over. When the Japs demanded admis- 
sion, the marine barred the door and seizing a heavy iron bar he 
completely demolished the set while the Japs banged at the door 
with their rifle butts. 

As soon as I could get away I hurjried to my own office, the 
China Weekly Review, knowing well that it, and the China 
Fress, in the same building, would be among the first newspapers 
to receive the attention of the Japanese. My Chinese staff realized 
this too, and was on the job before daylight, removing the type- 
writers, the price of which had mounted to unbelievable heights 
because of the embargo. 

Before noon the Japanese army had occupied the building and 
placed seals on all doors. I decided to return to my room at the 
American Club to await developments, and I did not have long 
to wait. 

Shortly after ro o'clock a servant came running to my room, 
greatly excited, and said that Japanese sailors were in the lobby 
and had ordered everybody to leave the building in two hours. 
Since the American Club served as the center for American com- 
munity activities, such as the Chamber of Commerce and other 
organizations, the enforced evacuation created a serious problem. 

Many of the residents had lived there for years. Everyone 
started packing furiously, but few had enough trunks and bags 
to hold their belongings. This resulted in the loss of practically 
all personal effects on the part of many, including myself. 

Before noon, two fully armed Japanese sailors carrying their 
rifles, with bayonets attached, slung over their shoulders, ap- 
peared at my door and demanded admission. Both were drunk, 
and their arms were full of bottles of beer looted from the club 
bar. They made themselves at home and proceeded to consume 
the beer, at the same time ordering me to hasten my departure. 

The Japanese knew what they wanted in Shanghai, and pro- 
ceeded to take it without delay. All properties belonging to the 
British-Indian millionaire, Sir Victor Sassoon, including hotels, 


offices, and apartment buildings, were seized, and the Japanese 
announced that they had been confiscated. The North China 
Daily News, leading British newspaper, which was almost as old 
as the Settlement, was also closed and sealed. 

Since the Japanese wanted to take over Shanghai as a "going 
concern" they did not interfere with any of the public utilities 
such as the American-owned Shanghai Power Company and 
Shanghai Telephone Company, or the British-owned Shanghai 
Water Works and the Tramway Company. They did, however, 
seize all of the busses of the British Shanghai Omnibus Company. 
There was also, at first, little interference with the personal 
activities of American and British residents. However, one occa- 
sionally saw a foreigner being marched along the street by a 
squad of Japanese soldiers or sailors, presumably on the way to 
some internment camp in the Hongkew section, which the Japs 
had occupied in 1937. These scenes became commonplace after 
December 20. 

The American diplomatic and consular staffs were concen- 
trated on two floors of the Metropole Hotel in the downtown 
section for several days but later were moved to the Cathay 
Mansion, a residence hotel which was owned by the Sassoon 
interests. They remained there until they were repatriated on 
the first trip of the exchange liner Gripsholm. The British em- 
bassy and consular staffs were permitted to remain in their regular 
consular quarters on the Bund, or at the Cathay Hotel. They 
were repatriated about two months after the Americans. 

Another British morning paper, the Shanghai Times, which 
always had followed a pro-Japanese policy, became openly 
Japanese and continued under the nominal editorship of the 
owner, E. S. Nottingham, although the real authority was vested 
in a Japanese army officer* The American afternoon paper, the 
Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, was taken over and its 
policy "reformed," C. V. Starr, the owner of the paper, was in 
New York and the paper was in charge of the business manager, 
George Bruce. Bruce continued the paper for several months 
under the supervision of a Japanese army officer. Bruce, how- 


ever, was later interned and died in a Japanese camp. According 
to reports of other American internees, the Japanese intercepted 
a note that Brace secretly sent to his wife. Brace was removed 
to another camp for "questioning." He was detained for two 
weeks and dropped dead shortly after he had returned to the 
first camp. 

As the Japanese had been in control of the Hongkew indus- 
trial area, which included most of Shanghai's public utilities, since 
1937, their occupation of the remainder of the International 
Settlement put the entire city, except the French Concession, in 
their hands, The composition of the municipal council, which 
had included five Britons, five Chinese, two Americans and two 
Japanese, continued J:o April, 1941, when a special election 
approved a proposal to change the representation to three Britons, 
three Americans, three Japanese, one German, one Swiss, one 
Netherlander, and four Chinese. After Pearl Harbor the Japanese 
ousted the Americans and Britons, and appointed Germans and 
Italians in their places. 

Thus the Japanese moved in on one of the world's largest 
and richest cities, and the leading port on the continent of East 
Asia. They made the best of their opportunities. Among the 
confiscated properties were the foreign banks, including the 
Shanghai branches of the American National City Bank of New 
York, the Chase Bank, the British Hong Kong and Shanghai 
Bank, and Chartered Bank of Australia and India. 

The manager of the National City Bank, J. A. MacKay, was 
interned and no transaction could be conducted without the 
approval of two Japanese officers, both of whom had formerly 
been employed in the New York office of the Yokohama Specie 
Bank and were familiar with American banking practice. 

No gold deposits (United States dollars or British pounds) 
could be withdrawn, and only sufficient amounts could be taken 
from Chinese dollar accounts to meet urgent payroll require- 
ments. A similar situation prevailed at the British banks. 

The Japanese announced that all foreign banks were to be 


liquidated, and none would ever be allowed to function in the 
future. The effect of this situation on the economic life of the 
city may well be imagined. 

The large Chinese banks, such as the Central Bank, Bank of 
China, and Bank of Communications, which were already oper- 
ating in a restricted manner, were likewise taken over, and later 
handed to the puppet Nanking Government. But the Japanese 
continued to maintain their control. 

The Central Bank was transformed into the Central Reserve 
Bank and made the chief financial organ of the puppet Nanking 
Government. Shortly after the occupation the puppet bank put 
out a new note issue with which it bought up the notes previously 
issued by the National Government at the rate of one Nanking 
dollar note for two Chungking dollar notes. 

However, all transactions with Japan had to be conducted 
with so-called military yen notes printed in imitation of regular 
Japanese currency, but containing no serial numbers. It appeared 
to be the intention of the Japanese to repudiate this currency or 
permit it to decline in value at some future date. The Japanese 
had followed that practice in the Russo-Japanese War, which 
was fought on Chinese soil in Manchuria; all Japanese purchases 
in the field were made with so-called "military notes" which were 
repudiated after the war, and later were bought up for a few 
cents on the dollar and destroyed. In the present instance the 
Japanese followed a similar procedure, as all purchases of Chinese 
cotton, food, and other products were paid for with "military 
yen," usually at the point of the bayonet. 

The financial and currency situation at Shanghai, which had 
greatly improved following the organization of the National 
Government in 1927, became more complicated under Japanese 
control In any financial enterprise of substantial size it became 
necessary to use American currency or its equivalent at an estab- 
lished rate of exchange, despite the fact that transactions in 
American or British currencies were also outlawed. Chinese ex- 
change shops, however, continued dealings in American cur- 
rency despite the ban* 


When I left Shanghai, in June, 1942, the new notes issued 
by the Central Reserve Bank were down to about forty to the 
American dollar on the "black exchange." Notes of the legitimate 
Central Bank before Pearl Harbor had been stabilized at about 
three to the American dollar. A friend of mine who was repatri- 
ated on the second voyage of the Gripsholm, told me that he 
had exchanged an American one hundred dollar note for sixteen 
thousand dollars of puppet currency in the Shanghai black 

Late in 1942 the Japanese announced their intention of abol- 
ishing the International Settlement Administration and turning 
the Settlement over to the control of the puppet Wang Ching- 
wei Government at Nanking. The Japanese also brought pres- 
sure, through the Germans, on the Vichy Government and 
forced the French to hand over their Concession, almost as old 
as the International Settlement, to the Nanking puppet regime. 
It used to be a common saying around Shanghai that the French 
would be the last Europeans to "hand over" their Oriental pos- 
sessions to the native peoples. "The soft-hearted Americans and 
British might compromise, but never the French," was a common 
remark. As a result of this sentiment much Anglo-American 
property was turned over to the French for "protection." The 
large modern Development Building, owned by Chinese inter- 
ests, was transferred to a French company a few weeks before 
Pearl Harbor. The building had been occupied for several years 
by the American Consulate and United States Court for China, 
and it was hoped to prevent Japanese seizure by transferring it 
to a French (Vichy) corporation. But the Development Building 
along with the American Consulate and Court and their properties 
were among the first seized by the Japs on the first day of occu- 
pation. The Japanese had lost any respect they may have held 
for the French as a result of Vichy's "sell-out" of French Indo- 
China to the Japs, who immediately set about converting it into 
a base for further adventures into British territories to the south. 

While the Japanese have eliminated the western "imperial- 


ists" from their century-old control of Shanghai, and theoreti- 
cally have handed the city over to the Nanking Government, 
they have continued to maintain their military hold on the city 
and have not permitted the Wang Ching-wei regime to function 
within the municipal area. The final adjustment of the Shanghai 
Question will provide one of the most serious of after-war prob- 
lems, because of the extent of foreign holdings in the great 
Chinese port. The total American investment at Shanghai prob- 
ably approximated a quarter of a billion American dollars. Brit- 
ish investments were much larger, as the British possessed more 
industrial property. Since the extraterritorial system prevailed up 
to and after the Japanese occupation, many of the larger Chinese 
holdings in commercial and industrial property were incorpo- 
rated under foreign flags. The unscrambling of these interests 
and the settlement of claims for losses will occupy the attention 
of an international commission for many years after peace has 
been restored. 

An American professor, Dr. William Crane Johnstone, Jr., 
once wrote a book * in which he devoted 3 14 pages to a solution 
of the Shanghai Question which had worried China and the 
western nations for more than a half century. After discussing 
various methods of solving the problem, most of which Professor 
Johnstone dismissed as impractical, he added as afterthought, 
"Of course some nation might 'take' the foreign settlements." 
That is exactly what has happened, but obviously it has not 
permanently settled the Shanghai Question! 

* "The Shanghai Problem," Stanford University Press, Stanford University 
California, 1937* 

Japanese "Efficiency" 

TWO OR THREE DAYS after the Japanese occupation of Shanghai, 
in December -of 1941, there appeared a notice on the bulletin 
board of the Metropole Hotel, where I was staying, calling a 
meeting of Americans in the assembly room of the hotel for the 
purpose of "discussing problems incidental to the occupation." 
The notice contained the name of the Japanese officer in charge 
of the occupation. It struck me as strange that the Japanese 
should call a meeting to "discuss" problems when they were in 
undisputed military control of the city. 

Only about two dozen Americans, including a few news- 
papermen, turned up for the meeting. Our curiosity regarding 
its object was soon satisfied, for aside from a few Japanese army 
officers, chiefly from the army spokesman's office, the room was 
filled with Japanese newspapermen and press photographers. No 
sooner had the Japanese officer in charge called the meeting to 
order than an American, owner of a small factory in the Hong- 
kew district, was on his feet paying the Japanese fulsome praise 
for their efficiency and forbearance in the occupation of the 
Settlement. He even praised the Japanese for the consideration 
they had displayed toward the members of the American Club, 
who had been given only about two hours before they were 
kicked out of their premises. I myself had only about fifteen or 
twenty minutes to throw a few things into a suitcase and get out. 
I had to abandon practically all of my clothing and numerous 
pieces of carved ivory, and art treasures, including some rare 
Mongolian and Tibetan rugs, pieces of brocade and jewelry I 
had picked up on my newspaper travels in the Far East and in 
Russia and had treasured for many years. 


I listened in silence to the speech of my fellow countryman 
as he praised the Japanese, even when he spread it on so thick 
that most of us wondered as to his real objective. Was it possible 
that he had "sold out" to the Japs in order to obtain protection 
for his factory, or for some other reason? We wondered. Japa- 
nese newspapermen present took copious notes on his address 
and before he sat down he was photographed repeatedly; in fact 
every American in the room was photographed. 

After the Japanese chairman had called on others for their 
views on the occupation, it became apparent that their purpose 
in calling the meeting was to obtain complimentary statements 
from Americans for use in their propaganda in Japan and abroad. 
I naturally wondered what was in store for the thousands of 
American citizens, civilians, and servicemen in Shanghai and 
other ports of occupied China, the Philippines, and elsewhere in 
the Far East, now at the mercy of the invaders. I was well aware 
of the brutalities to which the Chinese had been subjected in 
Manchuria in 193 1-32 and in China proper since 1937, but along 
with other foreigners I probably thought "They can't do that 
to us." 1 actually heard a prominent Englishman use that expres- 
sion as he argued with a group of Japanese army officers who 
were evicting him, along with a number of other well known 
British residents, from the British Shanghai Club on the 

As the meeting in the Metropole Hotel broke up one of the 
Japanese army officers recognized me and exclaimed, "Why, 
Mr. Powell, are you still here? We thought you had run away 
with Mr. WoodheadP' (HL G, W. Woodhead was a well known 
elderly British editor and commentator employed as a columnist 
on the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, who had gone into 
hiding immediately following Pearl Harbor.) He allegedly sent 
word to the Japanese that he would commit suicide if the Japa- 
nese attempted to intern him. I replied to the Japanese officer, 
whom I recognized as a member of the army spokesman's office, 
"No, I'm still a newspaperman and have decided to stay and see 
the end of the show I don't suppose you can do worse than 


shoot me!" I soon discovered that the Japanese could do worse 
than shoot people. They could starve and torture them to a 
point where the victims would prefer death a thousand times to 
the treatment they received in innumerable prisons, scattered 
over the Far East, where Americans and Britons have been con- 
fined since Pearl Harbor. 

As I think back over my experiences in the days immediately 
following the Japanese occupation, when I was still at liberty, 
the outstanding events and incidents which remain in my mind 
are a succession of queues in which I seemed to spend most of 
the daylight hours. First, there was the matter of money. I dis- 
covered that I had only a few dollars in my pocket, so I walked 
around to the Shanghai office of the National City Bank of New 
York, where I kept my personal and business accounts. As I 
neared the vicinity of the bank, I discovered that a considerable 
portion of the foreign and Chinese communities apparently had 
a similar idea, for a line had formed which not only extended 
around the block but overlapped. The line was made up not only 
of Americans, but of large numbers of other foreign residents, 
particularly Russians, Scandinavians, Portuguese, Jewish refu- 
gees and Chinese, all of whom thought that an American bank 
offered better protection than banks of other nationalities. 

It took me about five hours to reach the doors through which 
depositors were admitted in groups of a dozen or so. After I 
finally was admitted to the private office I found the three Amer- 
ican executives of the bank, MacKay, Reid, and Bates, standing 
with their hands in their pockets looking on more or less help- 
lessly while two Japanese sat at the desk with the bank's books 
opened before them. One of the American officers whispered to 
me that both of the Japanese had been trained in the New York 
office of the Yokohama Specie Bank and "understood" Amer- 
ican banking practice. They seemed to understand their job so 
well that I suspected they had been "planted" in New York for 
the purpose of "studying" the National City Bank. One of the 
Japanese explained to me that they were permitting all firms 


which employed Chinese labor to withdraw a certain percentage 
of their company deposits "in order to keep the workmen off 
the streets." The Japanese army apparently desired to avoid any 
disruption of business which might fill the streets with hungry, 
rioting laborers. Large employers of Chinese labor were told to 
advise their Chinese staffs to "go home" to the country districts. 
This applied to all concerns which were forced to close down 
or to curtail their activities because of the Japanese occupation. 
The public utilities, including the electric light and power plant, 
water works and telephone system, were continued under Jap- 
anese supervision, of course. 

The Japanese "liquidators" at the bank explained that no 
deposits in United States dollars could be withdrawn, which 
caused serious embarrassment, as most depositors had converted 
their savings into United States dollars in order to avoid losses 
resulting from the rapid depreciation of Chinese currency. Later 
the Japanese and the Nanking puppet administration announced 
that the national Chinese currency would be outlawed after a 
certain date, and replaced by new currency issued by the puppet 
central bank, the rate of exchange of old for new currency being 
two for one. It wasn't long, however, before the new puppet 
currency, printed in Japan to imitate the old national currency, 
had also slumped to forty for one American dollar. 

I had ordered a suit of clothes from a Russian tailor just before 
the Japanese occupation. The agreed price was $150 in Chinese 
currency, or about $50 in United States money. When I obtained 
the suit after being released from prison five months later, just 
before the sailing of the first exchange ship, the price had jumped 
to fz,ooo. In the months following Pearl Harbor Shanghai passed 
through a period of currency inflation which was reminiscent of 
conditions in the large German cities following World War I. 
Mother Helen, the head Franciscan nurse at the municipal hos- 
pital, where I was a patient following my release from the Japa- 
nese internment camp, told me that the prices for hospital equip- 
ment had risen to fantastic figures. For example, a gallon of 
rubbing alcohol cost $600; iodine, so long as it was obtainable, 


cost $1,000 an ounce; sulfa drugs disappeared completely and 
were unobtainable at any price. 

The most serious problem developed in connection with sup- 
plies of blood for transfusions. The Fourth Regiment United 
States Marines, which had been stationed in Shanghai for more 
than a dozen years, had constituted Shanghai's and China's almost 
sole source of supply of healthy blood. Hospitals in Shanghai 
and other coastal ports and even at interior points accessible to 
airplanes were accustomed to applying to the Marine Corps for 
supplies of blood. A number of marines had volunteered to 
supply blood at a nominal charge of $50 Chinese, or about $15 
in United States currency. The donors had been examined as 
to health and blood-count, and constituted an invaluable "blood 
bank'* for the community. 

But when the situation became critical and the Fourth Regi- 
ment was transferred to Manila (later to fight at Bataan and 
Corregidor), Shanghai was left without any source of supply 
for blood transfusions. I was one of the first to suffer from this 
situation, as it was necessary for me to have a blood transfusion 
immediately after my removal from the Japanese prison camp 
to the municipal hospital. My doctor finally found an American 
who was willing to supply me with a quantity of his blood. Two 
weeks later, however, when I required a second transfusion, the 
American could not be found. My physician, Dr. W. H. Gar- 
diner, made a canvass of the other doctors and finally found an 
Englishman who was willing to volunteer. The third time it was 
a Russian, and his blood caused a violent reaction in my veins. 
My fourth and last transfusion before leaving the Shanghai hos- 
pital was supplied by a Chinese, giving me the impression that 
I probably am the only person entitled to claim blood-relation- 
ship to the United Nations, as I actually have samples of Amer- 
ican, British, Russian, and Chinese blood in my veins. My physi- 
cians in New York, Dr. Frank L. Meleney and Dr. Jerome P. 
Webster, gave me two further transfusions at the Presbyterian 
Hospital upon my arrival in New York; both came from the 


/arge bank maintained at the hospital, which Dr. Meleney assured 
me was strictly "anonymous" from the standpoint of race or 
nationality, as scientific tests have shown that it is all the same. 
The problem of establishing blood banks in China is a serious 
one, due first to traditional Chinese prejudice against parting 
with blood, which they believe cannot be replaced. Secondly, 
the Chinese have been so impoverished physically, as a result of 
the long war, lack of health-building food, and prevalence of 
disease, particularly malaria and intestinal ailments, that it is diffi- 
cult to find individuals sufficiently healthy to supply blood. 
Shanghai doctors found that a similar weakened situation pre- 
vailed among the Jewish refugees who had served long terms in 
Nazi internment camps in Hitler's Europe before they were sent 
to Shanghai and forced to undergo further privations at the 
hands of To jo's emissaries. 

Horrors of Bridge House 

MY FIRST CONTACT WITH the notorious Japanese Bridge House 
Prison was on December 20, 1941, following the occupation of 
Shanghai on December 8. The barbarities to which the Amer- 
icans, Britons and Chinese were subjected in that prison were 
only a repetition of Japan's inhumane treatment of the Chinese 
and other Oriental peoples with whom they previously had 
come in contact. Like the Nazis in Europe, the Japanese regarded 
themselves as a "master race," to do with other peoples as 
they wished. 

Early in the morning of December 20, six or seven gendar- 
merie officers in civilian clothes came to my room at the Metro- 
pole Hotel in Shanghai and informed me they had instructions 
to search the room. The spokesman referred to the fact that I 
was editor of the China Weekly Review and was a director of 
the China Press, both of which had been sealed on December 8. 

They seized all papers, carbon copies of letters and other 
records which I had in my room. Since my offices had been sealed 
I had not been permitted to visit them, but I was informed that 
the gendarmes had repeatedly entered the building and removed 
various files and office records, and even the electric clock on 
the wall 

After they had searched my room one of the men told me I 
would have to accompany them to their headquarters for ques- 
tioning. We went downstairs, where a motor car was waiting. 
One of the men suddenly remembered to ask me whether I had 
a box in the hotel safe. I told them I had one, containing only a 
small sum in Chinese money. After counting the money, the 


gendarme said, "We are not interested in money, only letters 
and papers." 

I entered their car, and the officers drove across Szechwan 
Road Bridge and into the compound of the Bridge House Apart- 
ments, where I was taken to the third floor and introduced to 
the gendarme in charge. This was in the Hongkew section, and 
while located only two blocks from the central post office, the 
existence of the prison was not suspected by the foreigners. 
While I was being questioned a number of other foreigners who 
had been picked up that morning were brought in. The officers 
asked me to remove all articles from my pockets and place them 
on the table. The articles were put in an official envelope and 
labeled with my name. I was not permitted to have more than 
one handkerchief, and they even took away my suspenders and 

One of the men then produced a printed form and asked me 
a number of questions concerning nationality, place and date of 
my birth, and other personal matters. When this statement was 
completed I was asked to sign and fingerprint it. 

I was then taken downstairs to the ground floor and into a 
section of the building which had been constructed for shops 
but later converted into a sort of stockade for prisoners. As my 
eyes became accustomed to the darkness I could see long rows 
of cells or stockades and could hear a dim murmur of voices. 
I was first taken to an officer sitting behind a rough desk in the 
corner. He, apparently, was the chief jailer, as the wall alongside 
his desk was covered with lists written in Chinese characters 
and also a considerable number of names in English, each on a 
little wooden tag; the tags were attached to metal pegs driven 
in the wall. Also there was a heavy metal ring on which were 
suspended a large number of keys, ranging from the small "Yale" 
type to large, ominous ones six or eight inches long. The gen- 
darme who accompanied me opened one of the doors. It was 
double-locked and barred, and resembled a Hollywood prop- 
erty set. I was shoved into one of the cells. There was a hole 
about sk inches square in the center of the door, through which 


the guards pushed the food. Occasionally when a prisoner had 
violated the rules the guards would order the man to come to 
the door and the guard would drive his fist through the hole 
and strike him in the face. If the prisoner was too slow in walk- 
ing up to be struck, the guard would open the door, drag the 
man out into the corridor, and beat him with a club. 

The room was already crowded to suffocation and there 
was no place to sit, even on the floor. Finally an American, 
Rudolph Mayer, a brother of the Hollywood movie magnate, 
who had been imprisoned some two weeks earlier, recognized 
me and asked me to join him. I made my way through the 
crowd to the corner where Mayer was sitting on the floor. He 
asked one or two of the Chinese prisoners sitting next him to 
move over to make room for me, and as a result I got a fairly 
comfortable seat in the corner of the room. I say "comfortable" 
because I could lean against the wall, and that was far better 
than sitting upright in the middle of the room. 

Mayer told me he had saved that place because a Korean 
had died there of blood poisoning the night before. The Korean 
had been jabbed in the leg by a Japanese bayonet, and had 
been permitted to die in great agony. This did not increase my 
peace of mind, but I was nevertheless glad to get a corner place, 
even though it smelled to high heaven. Mayer told me he never 
was able to find out why the Japanese had arrested him, unless 
it was their intention to blackmail his wealthy brother in Holly- 

The room or cell which we occupied was about eighteen 
feet long and twelve feet wide and could accommodate twenty 
to twenty-five persons sitting in rows on the floor, but for sev- 
eral days after my arrival there were more than forty prisoners 
in the room. For several nights it was necessary for many pris- 
oners to stand up most of the night. 

Events had occurred so rapidly that morning that my head 
was in a whirl. It was not long before a gendarme appeared at 
the door and called my name. The door was unlocked, with a 


great clatter of keys and bars, and I was told to accompany the 
man upstairs. Here I had my first experience with a gendarme 

I was told to write approximate dates of the entire history 
of my life, with special emphasis on what I had done since arriv- 
ing in China in the spring of 1917. I do not know how many 
times this was repeated, but I believe I was told to write out 
my personal history at least a dozen times. The examiner then 
read it over laboriously, translated it into Japanese, and pro- 
ceeded to question me on various points mentioned in the 

The man who questioned me on most occasions was named 
Lieutenant Yamamoto. His knowledge of English was not per- 
fect, and he used an interpreter who was little better equipped. 
Later another interpreter was brought in, a man who said he 
had lived in San Francisco many years and had a wife and child 
still living there. 

The questioning, which extended from December 20 through 
January to February 26, followed a general pattern and seem- 
ingly was designed to link me with American and British intel- 
ligence services. Once I was flatly accused of receiving large 
sums from the office of Major G. A, Williams, United States 
naval attache, stationed at Shanghai. The examiner told me they 
had seized all of Major Williams's private papers and had the 
proof despite my denials. I told them I frequently talked to 
Major Williams about particular developments in the Chinese 
and Far Eastern situation, but it always was in the course of 
newspaper work and on no occasion had I received so much 
as a penny for my services. 

Once the examiner told me they had found a record in the 
Majors office listing my name with those of Morris Harris of 
the Associated Press and Fred Oppcr and H. G. W. Woodhead 
of the Evemng Post, as being on the Major's payroll Several 
times they tried also to link me up with British intelligence, but 
since I did not even know the names of the persons in charge 
they finally gave this up. 


They questioned me for several days about my trip to 
Chusan Island in the summer of 1937. On returning to Shanghai 
after that trip I had written an article suggesting the possibility 
that the Japanese were planning to occupy the island prelim- 
inary to naval operations along the coast between Shanghai and 
Hong Kong. Since the Japanese navy did this a few months 
later, the Japanese gendarmerie officer insisted this constituted 
definite proof of "espionage" activities directed against the 
Japanese navy. Chusan Island, south of Shanghai, was later used 
by the Japanese as a base for their invasion activities along the 
China coast to the south of Shanghai. 

I imagine most of the American and British newspapermen 
were subjected to the same line of questioning, as the Japanese 
suspect all foreign newspapermen, particularly correspondents, 
of espionage activities on behalf of their home governments. 
Japanese gendarmerie officers who hang around the large hotels 
in Tokyo and other large Japanese cities for the purpose of 
spying on foreign residents and tourists always carry cards 
indicating they are connected with some newspaper. 

All my statements were taken down by the chief examiner, 
in Japanese, on large sheets of Japanese ruled paper. These 
sheets were then perforated and folded into a sort of book, 
and I was asked to sign and fingerprint the last page. I always 
asked the examiner to give me a summary of the material con- 
tained in the manuscript, and on several occasions caught him 
in deliberate falsification. 

It occurred to me that these statements, which probably 
filled half a dozen books, could easily be altered because it was 
possible to change or substitute pages and merely attach the last 
sheet which contained my signature and thumbprint, 

I had no complaint of my treatment while undergoing ques- 
tioning, except the wear and tear on my nerves. Moreover, I 
managed to keep my temper, except once or twice when I 
became exasperated at some of the seemingly nonsensical ques- 
tions which they fired at me. 


I once saw a big brutal gendarmerie officer with heavy thick 
hands slap a Chinese woman prisoner until her eyes were swollen 
shut and her face so inflamed that she was unrecognizable. They 
were trying to force her to disclose the whereabouts of her 
husband, a college professor whom they wanted on espionage 
charges. The Chinese woman refused to tell them where her 
husband was hiding, although she was subjected to the daily 
slappings until she became too weak to leave the cell, and lay 
weeping all day long on the floor. 

The examiner produced a large number of copies of back 
issues of the China Weekly Review, extending over a period of 
several years, and asked me about certain articles or paragraphs 
which had been underscored. In most instances I was able to 
explain the circumstances and background of the articles. 

There was an amusing development when the Japanese pro- 
duced a recent copy of the Review which contained a brief 
article referring to the wholesale theft of motor cars in Shanghai. 
The article said the stolen cars were being turned over to the 
Japanese army authorities, who were at that time planning their 
campaign into French Indo-China. They wanted to know where 
I had obtained this information, so I told them it came from 
the police and the insurance companies, but I refused to give 
any names. I had a special interest in the subject, as the gangsters 
had also stolen my car. 

Another article my inquisitors brought forward was one 
which had been reprinted from the New York Herald Tribune, 
the Nation, and Asia Magazine. It was written originally by 
Wilfrid Fleisher, former editor of the Japan Advertiser in 
Tokyo, and contained a reference to the plot of an army officer 
in Tokyo to overthrow the Emperor and establish a fascist 
dictatorship. They insisted that this article was disrespectful to 
the Emperor. My attention had been called to the same fact by 
the Japanese consulate some time previously, and as a result I 
had printed a statement that there was no intention to insult the 
Son of Heaven. This apparently did not satisfy them, as the 
subject was brought up several times. 


They also dug up a further article which we had reprinted 
from a Chinese magazine in 1932, nine years previously, which 
referred to the "Emperor" Pu-yi of Manchukuo as a "puppet 
of a puppet." The article said that Pu-yi was a puppet of 
Hirohito, the Son of Heaven, who in turn was the puppet of 
the Japanese army general staff. My inquisitor insisted this 
article was also disrespectful of the Japanese Emperor. I called 
his attention to the fact that the article was nearly ten years old 
and had appeared in connection with Chinese comment on the 
Manchurian crisis. The explanation did not satisfy him, how- 
ever, because of all the crimes classified under the general head- 
ing of "dangerous thoughts" in Japan, the worst that an editor 
can commit is to say something which the police censors can 
interpret as "disrespectful of the Son of Heaven." Large num- 
bers of police censors are employed in every city for the sole 
purpose of watching the newspapers, foreign as well as native, 
for "disrespectful" references to Hirohito or the royal family. 
Had the Japanese succeeded in their program to "dictate peace 
in the White House," hundreds of American editors and car- 
toonists would have had a difficult time, as the Japs have long 
memories and their intelligence files are very complete. 

Under Japanese military control of Hongkew since 1937, 
the existence of Bridge House Prison had been kept a profound 
secret. As there were a large number of Chinese prisoners, we 
realized at once that many Chinese who had disappeared from 
the International Settlement had been thrown into jail here. 
Several of the Chinese told us that they had been here for many 
months, so long, in fact, that they did not remember the cause 
of their incarceration. Many of the Chinese prisoners were boys 
not over fifteen years of age, probably high school students. 
It was rumored that Russians in the Settlement had been con- 
fined here also. 

Bridge House Prison consisted of about fifteen cells which 
had been built inside the main building and in most cases were 
open only on one side, which was inclosed by heavy wooden 


bars six inches in diameter and set about two inches apart. 1 
must have counted the bars a thousand times during my stay in 
Cell No. 5, which had been still further congested by the addi- 
tion of some twelve more foreigners. These were mainly Britons 
but included in the group was Victor Keen, correspondent for 
the New York Herald Tribune, who was brought in shortly 
following my incarceration. 

Many of the foreigners in the cells were Britons, including 
several well known businessmen, one being head of the China 
agency for Dodge cars and trucks. Another, named Ellis Hayim, 
was president of the Shanghai Stock Exchange. Another elderly 
man, named Brister, was connected with the British Ministry of 
Economic Warfare. A young man, only about twenty years 
old, told me he had been a member of the band of one of the 
British regiments previously stationed in Shanghai. Ellis Hayim 
and his wife, who was also imprisoned, were rated among 
Shanghai's leading socialites. He told me that the Japanese gen- 
darme officer who questioned him and his wife was chiefly 
interested in obtaining information about the guests who at- 
tended certain dinner parties which Mr. and Mrs. Hayim had 
given in honor of Admiral Glassford and Admiral Hart. The 
Japanese also displayed great curiosity about the conversation 
at other dinner parties. In Japan the police always come around 
and quiz the servants about the guests who attend dinner par- 
ties given by foreign residents. 

Another British prisoner was Bill Gande, head of a wholesale 
liquor house, whom the Japanese also accused of "espionage" 
and finally sentenced to jail for eight years on this charge. 
Gande had always taken a prominent part in the foreign special 
police and it probably was in this connection that the Japs sus- 
pected him of "espionage designed to undermine tEe Japanese 

I learned later, on the exchange ship bound for home, that 
other American newspapermen, and a number of American 
businessmen and missionaries, had been confined in another part 
of Bridge House at the same time I was there. Among the busi- 


nessmen were the managers of the National City Bank, Socony 
Vacuum Oil Company, and the Singer Sewing Machine Com- 
pany. Later, practically all of the Americans in the city, some 
2,500 in number, were interned, but not in Bridge House. 

The Japanese, in their haste to even scores with all the Amer- 
icans and Britons against whom they had grudges, made many 
ludicrous mistakes. One day a half dozen gendarmes dragged 
into our cell an infuriated Englishman with his coat and trousers 
badly torn, indicating that he had put up a fight against arrest. 
After he became somewhat composed, I moved over to a place 
beside him and asked him what had happened. He told me he 
was an engineer employed by the Shanghai Power Company, 
and was at a loss to understand why he was arrested. After he 
had come back from his first session with the inquisitors up- 
stairs, I noticed he had a puzzled look on his face. When the 
sentry had walked to the end of the corridor the Englishman 
turned to me and said, "I wonder what these bloody blighters 
want I never wrote anything about the Japs in my life." I 
then realized why the Japs had grabbed the engineer, whose 
name was W. R. Davies. They had mistaken him for R. W. 
Davis, the managing director of the senior British newspaper, 
North China Daily News. The situation struck us as having 
amusing elements, as R. W. Davis, the newspaper publisher, was 
in Hong Kong. However, W. R. Davies didn't consider it 
amusing, and he was still threatening to murder some "bloody" 
Jap when the gendarmes discovered their mistake and released 
him. Up to that time the Japanese had avoided arresting anyone 
who was connected with any public utility, as they wanted to 
keep the city services operating. 

A Spanish woman, wife of a banker in Manila, was held in 
our cell for several weeks on suspicion that she had cooperated 
with a foreign business firm in purchasing and monopolizing 
all available supplies of quinine in Shanghai. The woman de- 
clared she knew nothing about the deal 

Many foreign businessmen who had dealings with the Jap- 


anese found themselves in serious trouble after the outbreak of 
war, as they were unable to make deliveries of the merchandise 
promised. Money they had received from the Japanese as ad- 
vance or bargain payments had been remitted abroad, and 
"frozen," and hence could not be returned to the original Jap- 
anese purchasers. In the final months and weeks before Pearl 
Harbor the Japanese had embarked on a mad buying spree in 
Shanghai, grabbing up all available stocks of foods, medicines, 
gasoline, cigarettes, shoe leather, and what not. After Pearl 
Harbor they simply commandeered everything, including every 
motor car and truck in the city. After President Roosevelt 
announced the embargo on gasoline shipments to Japan, the 
Japs bought enormous quantities which they stored in secret 
underground storage tanks at Shanghai. Many foreign business- 
men who had cooperated with the Japs, but couldn't make de- 
liveries after the outbreak of war, found themselves in the 
Japanese internment camps. 

Aside from the male foreigners, there were three foreign 
women, one British, one Spanish, and the other an unfortunate 
White Russian girl who shortly became hysterical. We thought 
her condition to be due to the fact that she had been deprived 
of her daily supply of heroin, for which many poor Russians 
possessed an appetite which the Japanese were glad to satisfy at 
very low prices. There were also two or three Chinese women 
in the cell for a part of the time. Once a Chinese man was 
brought in with his little three-year-old son. The little boy 
cried all night, his wails being heard throughout the prison. 

Although I was impressed particularly by the congested 
condition of the cell, I soon discovered that there were other 
elements of even greater seriousness. There were no facilities 
for washing, and the toilet equipment consisted of a roughs box 
in the corner which was open to the room and was cleaned out 
in the mornings by Chinese prisoners who were pressed into 

The women prisoners had to use the same toilet facilities as 
the men, so the foreign men would stand with their backs to the 


toilet, forming a screen for the women. Finally, as a result of 
demands by everybody in the cell, the women were permitted 
to go to a toilet on an upstairs floor. 

Since I had been informed I was being taken to the Bridge 
House only for questioning, I wore only a light overcoat and 
did not think of bringing along a blanket. The building was 
entirely without heat. At 9 P.M., however, the guard brought 
into the cell a large bundle of blankets, which created a near 
riot as the prisoners fought each other for possession of the 
heavier coverings. 

I found the prisoners had formed groups of two to six, and 
by snuggling close together they were able to cover themselves 
with one blanket. We never removed our clothing, as we would 
have frozen. 

There were vermin of all types, the worst being the body 
louse, or "cootie." The place was alive with them, and since the 
prisoners included several persons who were dangerously ill, we 
naturally expected everyone to die of some kind of epidemic, 
particularly typhus, which was prevalent. A friend who sus- 
pected the louse situation sent me a jar of ointment. The gen- 
darme guard refused to permit it to be brought inside my cell 
until I had demonstrated by tasting it that it was not poison or 
dope. I learned afterward that the ointment was sent to me by 
Judge Milton J. Helmick of the United States Court, and I will 
never cease thanking him as long as I live. It probably was the 
first modern instance of a judge sending a prisoner a jar of 
ointment. *i l 

The gendarmes maintained a medical service of sorts among 
the prisoners. It usually consisted of an occasional visit by a 
Japanese woman nurse, accompanied by two petty officers. 
Anyone with a fever or any type of ailment got aspirin. Any 
who had boils, an epidemic of which swept the place, were 
treated with a red liquid resembling mercurochrome, of which 
the Japanese seemed to have a liberal supply. 

I had a badly infected finger which swelled to about twice 
normal size. After about two weeks of begging for medical 
treatment, I was taken upstairs to the dispensary, where the 


Japanese medical assistant, without administration of an anes- 
thetic, literally trimmed all the skin off my finger with his 
scissors. Japanese soldiers stood about the room and appeared to 
enjoy my grimaces as the doctor performed the operation. 

The worst phase of the daily visit of the Japanese nurse and 
her assistants was the treatment in the cell of several venereal 
cases among the Chinese prisoners. Since these cases had been 
neglected in some instances for many weeks or even months, 
the men were in a desperate condition. 

The place was also infected with rats. The Japanese guards 
never interfered with them except to stamp their feet when the 
rodents became too bold in running about the corridors. One 
night a rat stuck its head out of a knot-hole in the partition 
next to my head and tugged at a strand of my hair which it 
apparently wanted for a nest. 

I had not been in prison many days before I began to have 
severe pain in my feet, particularly the bones in my heels. As 
there was at that time no external indication of the ailment, the 
Japanese doctor just laughed at me when I told him that the 
pain was so severe I could scarcely put on my shoes. All pris- 
oners were deprived of their shoes, which were piled in the 
narrow hallway outside. Whenever anyone was removed from 
the cell for questioning or for any other purpose there was a 
mad scramble for the right shoes. We had to lie with our bare 
feet on the cold floor, and they usually would be blue by 
morning. Our stockings had long since worn to shreds. 

Only once did I succeed in getting the Japanese nurse to 
paint my feet with iodine, and this had little or no effect on 
the pain, which increased day by day. Several other prisoners 
also complained of pains in their feet, and many of the Chinese 
had large sores on their feet and legs. I did not know then that 
this was due to malnutrition caused by the poor quality of the 
food we received, plus the fact that we frequently were com- 
pelled for long periods to sit on our feet "Japanese style," which 
retarded the circulation. 

Our food was of such a low order that no Japanese coolie 


would have looked at it. In the morning there was a bowl of 
rice, which was fairly palatable because it was warm. Noon 
and evening meals consisted of a bowl of rice, which few of 
the foreigners could eat. It was stone cold, usually contained 
three dried herring heads, and apparently was prepared once a 
week and left standing in the hallway or courtyard. 

Very few of us could eat this mess, so we made a deal with 
some of the Chinese boy prisoners whereby in exchange for our 
rice they agreed to search out the cooties in our undergarments* 
every day. It wasn't long before the Chinese boys had organized 
a lottery based on the number of cooties found in the various 
undershirts of the foreign prisoners. 

This arrangement proved satisfactory except that it left us 
with only one bowl of rice a day, obviously not enough to keep 
body and soul together. This was the cause of much of the 
illness which I later learned was beriberi. 

Thanks to efforts of friends outside, we were finally able to 
obtain limited quantities of foreign food, chiefly sandwiches, 
The Japanese refused to let any canned food come into the 
building, but since our friends outside did not know this they 
continued to send tins of meat, fish, and fruit, which were 
consumed by our guards. Our distress was due, principally, to 
the lack of meat and fresh vegetables. 

It was always difficult to eat the things which were sent in, 
because of the starving Chinese prisoners who sat watching us. 
Many times I cut my sandwiches into a dozen pieces and passed 
them around. On one or two occasions there were serious riots 
over food because the Japanese would not allow the Chinese to 
receive anything from friends outside. 

Perhaps our most exasperating experience was on Christmas 
Eve, when friends sent us a roasted turkey. We only managed 
to get the scraps in our cell, and when we complained to the 
officer he came back with the excuse that they could not permit 
bones to be taken into the cells, as the prisoners might use them 
as weapons against each other or the guards. 

4 Dangerous Thoughts' 

PRISONERS IN BRIDGE HOUSE were not permitted to talk to 
each other, were supplied with no reading matter, and were 
compelled to sit on the floor closely packed in rows, which 
facilitated counting when there was a change of guards, which 
was every four hours. Also we had to sit usually with our heads 
bowed, facing in the direction of Tokyo as a sign of our sub- 
mission to Hirohito, Son of Heaven, Frequently Chinese pris- 
oners who were caught talking were ordered to stand at the 
front of the cell, where they were beaten about the head by 

The only foreigner I knew of who was treated in this way 
was a Russian prisoner, who could speak neither English, Jap- 
anese, nor Chinese. He was severely beaten, allegedly because 
he failed to understand an order. The Russian's name was 
Chesnakoff ; he was a young Soviet citizen, who had come to 
Shanghai on a ship from Vladivostok. The Japanese accused 
ChcsnakofF of spying on some of their military activities in the 
Shanghai district. 

Once I received a thermos bottle of tea from a friend on the 
outside. I had only begun to drink the tea when the guard came 
up and demanded I return the empty bottle. Quickly I gulped 
down all that I could and passed the bottle to some of my 
Chinese cell-mates. When I took the bottle to the front of the 
cell and passed it to the guard he was infuriated and ordered 
me to step up close to the hole in the door which was used for 
passing in food and for the return of empty dishes. He reached 
in and gave me a strong slap on the face. 

This was the only time I was ever physically molested by 



one of the guards. However, in other ways the foreign prisoners 
were usually subjected to the same treatment as the Chinese 
prisoners; that is, they were compelled to sit on the floor with 
their knees drawn up tightly in front of them. All prisoners 
were lined up and searched almost daily, and woe to anyone 
found in possession of so much as a piece of string or a piece of 
paper. There was dismay when the searchers found a small nail 
file, the only one in the prison, which everybody had been 
using in secret when the guard's back was turned. 

When some of the prisoners had violated the regulations 
and the guards were unable to find the culprits, they compelled 
all of us to sit on our feet in Japanese fashion with our heads 
lowered. As we were always forced to face toward Tokyo 
during this operation, it became known as the "New Order 
Kneeling Posture." 

Several times in my cell prisoners were compelled to sit on 
their feet as long as six or eight hours and, as a result, were not 
able to walk for several days. 

The beating of Chinese prisoners by the guards was an 
almost continuous procedure. All through the night we would 
hear screams, indicating that some poor devil was being pun- 
ished for a real or fancied violation of the rules. 

In one case the guards caught a Chinese smoking a cigarette 
which had been smuggled into the cell. He was beaten to a 
pulp, and was not able to stand for more than a week. Later he 
developed beriberi and died in my cell shortly after the Japanese 
doctor had given him a hypodermic. We suspected the hypo 
had contained poison. 

Another time a Chinese prisoner found with money in his 
possession was removed at midnight to the corridor and beaten 
over the head and face with a club. From curiosity I counted 
the blows, with a British prisoner lying beside me. There were 
eighty-five of them before the victim ceased screaming and 
-lapsed into insensibility. When the guard had finished there 
was only about a foot of the former yard-long club remaining 


in his hands, the rest of it having been splintered away. The 
guards kept a pile of these cudgels handy in the corridor. They 
were rough pieces of one-inch board about four inches wide 
and about three feet long. 

A significant element in the prison situation both at Bridge 
House and Kiangwan Prison, where I was sent later, was the 
presence of a considerable number of Japanese prisoners. These 
consisted of young men, employees of American and British 
firms, from whom the gendarmes were trying to obtain infor- 
mation regarding the activities of the foreigners. One of these 
Japanese prisoners in my cell, a young man named Ono, had 
been employed for several years by the Texas Oil Company 
and had made several trips to Port Arthur, Texas, on oil tankers. 
He did not hesitate to express his hatred of the Japanese gen- 
darmerie officers, whom he always referred to contemptuously 
as the "big shots upstairs." The Japanese also threw into our 
cell a number of Japanese soldiers charged with drunkenness 
while on duty. . : < -'!^ .!;> 

The Chinese prisoners who fraternized with the Japanese 
soldiers told us that the real reason for their imprisonment was 
their objection to being sent to Malaya, where fighting was then 
in progress. Later when I was taken to the Kiangwan prison I 
saw hundreds of Japanese prisoners, military as well as civilians, 
who were being held on charges of harboring "dangerous 
thoughts." I was told by a foreign newspaperman in Japan that 
there were more than 50,000 political prisoners of this class in 
Japanese jails at the time of the Manchurian occupation in 193 1- 
32. Later they were released to join the army for further adven- 
tures to the south. 

I talked to many of these prisoners and found their regard 
for the gendarmes was little higher than my own. Once a gen- 
darme officer beat a Japanese soldier into insensibility in the cell 
adjoining mine because the soldier had called him the one pro- 
fane word in the Japanese language, "bakka," which stands for 
anything from "fool" to the equivalent of some of the most 
profane epithets in the English language. 


The Japanese gendarmerie, profoundly secret in its organiza- 
tion, corresponds in many respects to the German Gestapo. I 
think it is safe to say that it contains all the criminal elements in 
the military establishment. Their power appeared unlimited, and 
they often boasted they could arrest even high Japanese military 
officers, but I never heard of this happening. In Japan the gen- 
darmerie is of all branches of the military establishment the most 
hated and feared by the civilian public. 

One night the Japanese gendarmes brought in a new pris- 
oner, an aged Britisher, so weak he could hardly stand. They 
pushed him into the corner alongside me, and I saw he was in 
severe pain. He was suffering from several boils on his neck; 
they had become so infected and swollen, because of lack of 
medical attention, that his head was pressed over against his 
shoulder. He grew worse and about midnight he nudged me and 
asked me if I kne^v a prayer. He said he had been born in a 
Catholic home, but had drifted away from the faith. "I think I 
am going to die," he said. We repeated the Lord's Prayer to- 
gether, and as he grew calmer, he told me his life history. He 
was born in England and enlisted in the British army as a youth 
to serve in India. He was stationed in the Punjab for seventeen 
years, spending most of the time in the saddle. After retirement 
he came to Shanghai, where he served as head of the C. I. D. 
(Criminal Investigation Department) in the municipal police, 
later retiring to form a private detective agency. His name was 
Captain E. G. Clarke. He had married an Indian woman who 
brought him food in the prison every day. Their home was in 
the country and she rode a bicycle a distance of twenty miles in 
order to bring the food. The Japs seized Clarke after Pearl 
Harbor, and charged him with the usual "crime," espionage 
activities against Japan. He was thrown into a dirty cell in 
another part of Bridge House and left there to die of malnutri- 
tion and exposure. 

I never did learn why he was transferred to my cell, but a 
few days later when I was taken upstairs for another session 


with Lieutenant Yamamoto, my official inquisitor, I told him of 
Captain Clarke's serious condition, that he was likely to die 
unless he was sent to a hospital. Yamamoto made a gesture with 
the edge of his hand across his throat, indicating that he thought 
Clarke should have his head cut off, but I could see that my 
words had impressed him. Late that night there was a commo- 
tion in the courtyard; an ambulance had arrived to take Captain 
Clarke to the municipal hospital. I learned several weeks later, 
just before I left Shanghai on the exchange ship, that Captain 
Clarke was recovering. Before leaving the prison that night he 
gave me his blanket, the most valuable article in the cold prison. 

On February 26 a group of gendarme officers came to the 
prison cells and read the names of eight foreigners, including 
myself, who were told to go to the gendarmerie office. There 
we were informed that we were to be taken to another prison, 
at Kiangwan, where we would be subjected to a court-martial 
on a charge of espionage. The group included six Britons, the 
Russian Chesnakoff, and myself. 

Each was given a shave and a haircut, and then we were 
taken in an open truck to Kiangwan, where a new prison had 
been built beside a main highway, near the new Chinese Civic 
Center Headquarters which the Japanese army had taken over. 
This prison consisted of solitary cells, each about five feet wide 
and ten feet long, entered by a door about four feet high. The 
door had a slot at the bottom through which food was passed 
to the prisoner. 

There was a small window six feet above the floor. In the 
corner was the usual toilet, a box which was cleaned out once 
a week. The floors were wood, the walls fresh wet cement. 
Since the building was not heated, it became unbearably cold 
at night 

Every morning we were removed from the cells and taken 
across the courtyard to a wash-house where each man was pro- 
vided with a toothbrush and told to use it and wash. We were 
not permitted to take the toothbrushes to our cells but had to 


hang them on hooks, each labeled with our respective names- 
in Japanese which none of us could read. After the first day 
the toothbrushes became hopelessly mixed and we lost our en- 
thusiasm for this phase of the morning exercise. We were 
warned not to talk. 

This was the only time the prisoners ever got together, 
except at rare intervals when we were permitted to take exer- 
cise in the courtyard under supervision of a military officer in 
uniform. We were still permitted no reading matter. Also, we 
were not permitted to have any of the medicines our friends 
had sent us at Bridge House and which the guards had permitted 
us to bring along. 

The condition of my feet, which had pained me severely at 
Bridge House Prison, rapidly became worse, due, I suppose, to 
the freezing weather which prevailed all through March, when 
Shanghai often has its coldest weather of the year. 

I frequently complained and asked that a doctor be sent to 
examine me, but this had little effect until my feet had swollen 
to about twice their normal size and turned purple, making it 
impossible for me to put on my shoes and leave my cell. 

Meanwhile my weight had dropped from about 145 pounds 
when I entered Bridge House Prison to about 70 or 75 pounds, 
I was no longer able to stand, due to weakness and the condi- 
tion of my feet. 

One of the British prisoners also complained about pain in 
his feet, and another Briton, Mr. Gande, had so many boils on 
his neck that he could not lift up his head. 

One day while I was still able to go out in the courtyard 
with the other prisoners, I had a chance to talk to one of the 
elderly British prisoners. He was very depressed and was certain 
he never would get out alive. He felt sure I would get out, and 
asked me to do a favor for him. He said, "I have a little daughter 
living in the French Concession in Shanghai. I want you to 
write to a certain bank in Australia and tell them to see that my 


deposit there is handed over to my daughter after the end of 
the war." He mentioned the amount in English pounds, and it 
was so large as to surprise me. Later when I told some of the 
younger correspondents of the incident, they with one accord 
asked for the young lady's address. 

The food at the Kiangwan prison was somewhat better, as 
we got a bowl of seaweed in addition to the rice, which was all 
that had been provided at Bridge House. The seaweed was 
fairly palatable at first, but after a while we became tired of it. 

The food sent in from the outside came from the city by 
truck a distance of ten or fifteen miles, and usually arrived 
frozen. Since I could no longer put on my shoes the Japanese 
finally sent for a doctor, who made an examination of my feet. 
He gave me a daily injection for about two weeks, but this 
brought no relief, and I steadily grew weaker and no longer 
could eat anything. I could, however, drink the tea they occa- 
sionally brought me. One day as I was lying on the floor looking 
through the slot into the corridor, which was about four feet 
wide, I saw the slot in the door directly opposite my cell cau- 
tiously opened and a Japanese prisoner, a member of the "dan- 
gerous thought" brigade, motioned to me and then put his finger 
to his mouth. There were about fifty Japanese prisoners in that 
section, and they had noticed that I was not eating the food 
which the guards brought me. I quickly realized that the Japanese 
prisoner was motioning for me to give him my food. After that, 
I would watch until the sentry had walked around the corner 
on his beat and then I would push the aluminum pans contain- 
ing the food as far into the corridor as I could reach. The Jap 
prisoner would then quickly reach out and grab the pan and 
pull it into his cell After they had finished he would roll the 
pans back to my side of the corridor. 

Since I was not permitted to read and couldn't even whisper 
to the other prisoners, I used to while away the time by com- 
posing an endless poem which started out, 


I'm only a little Japanese, 
But I'm wonderfully clever. 
I slipped into Pearl Harbor seas, 
And sank America's fleet forever. 

Then I sneaked across the China Sea, 
To proud Shanghai and Hong Kong. 
I caught the Anglo-Americans fast asleep, 
With both male and female pants down. 

The poem became progressively worse and completely un- 
printable by the time I got to Singapore, Burma, and Batavia. 
But it did help me to forget the terrible pain in my feet. At 
night I would lie in the darkness and the deathly quiet, listening 
for an old-fashioned clock somewhere in the building to strike 
the hours and half-hours. Like the Americans and Filipinos at 
Bataan and Corregidor, I never gave up hope of release, and 
figuratively strained my eyes for the planes and battleships 
which I felt would surely come. But there was no disguising 
the fact that my physical condition was rapidly deteriorating, 
and I began to speculate on the matter of death. My thoughts 
would flit from a prayer beseeching divine assistance for my 
wife and children in the United States, who I knew were worry- 
ing about me, to the book I planned to write after I got out 
I had no way of knowing that my family and friends in the 
United States were moving heaven and earth to see that I was 
included in the list scheduled for exchange. A Chinese prisoner 
who was brought into Bridge House Prison before I left there 
told me that a report had been circulated in Shanghai that Vic 
Keen and I had been executed as spies. 

One day a gendarmerie officer came down to my cell and 
insisted that I write a letter stating I was in "good health." I 
was puzzled at the request, not knowing that the Swiss Consul- 
General, acting on behalf of the United States Government, 
had called at the Bridge House and demanded the right to see 
me. The Japanese refused the request, but attempted to side- 
step a diplomatic issue by showing the Swiss official my letter 


stating I was in "good health." Aware of the Japanese inability 
to understand Americanese, I wrote the letter in such a way as 
to indicate my real condition, but the Japs must have had expert 
advice, as they brought the letter back a half dozen times and 
finally threatened to punish me unless I wrote the letter as 
they directed. The Swiss Consul-General told me after I had 
been taken to the hospital that he suspected my real condition 
because of the time it took the Japs to produce the signed letter 
stating I was "all right." 

I finally became so weak that I could only murmur "Take 
me to the hospital," when the Japanese officer came to my cell 
in the mornings to see how I was. One day when I had prac- 
tically lost hope and would have welcomed death to put an end 
to my misery, I heard a commotion at the door, and as it opened 
and I looked into the corridor I was thrilled by the sight of two 
Japanese guards bearing a stretcher. The Japanese doctor, who 
accompanied them, gave me another shot in the arm and said, 
"You go hospital" He then turned his back and walked away 
as the guards rolled me on the stretcher. As they carried me out 
of the dark interior of the building into the bright sunlight, I 
made a supreme eifort and rolled my head over to one side. My 
heart almost stopped beating, for there stood the municipal 
ambulance, and waiting at the door were Dr. Gardiner and my 
old journalistic collaborator, Vic Keen of the New York Herald 
Tribwne. Both Gardiner and Keen looked at me searchingly, as 
though to make sure they had the right patient. At the General 
Hospital, when Dr. Gardiner was examining me, he laughed 
and said that I resembled Mahatma Gandhi following one of 
his extended fasts. I told him that my situation was really worse 
than Gandhi's as I had been provided with neither grape juice 
nor goat's milk. 


Yankee Grain in China 

A JAPANESE OFFICER accompanied me in the ambulance from 
the Kiangwan Prison to the hospital, and after a conference 
with Sister Helen, the French Franciscan nurse in charge, he 
pasted a notice on the door of my room. It stated with great 
formality that no one was permitted to enter the room without 
official permission of the Japanese army authorities. After the 
officer had departed Sister Helen told me that the Japanese 
officer had given her orders that only two persons, aside from 
the hospital staff, be permitted to enter my room. They were 
my physician, Dr. W. H. Gardiner, and Victor Keen, my news- 
paper colleague. Both Gardiner and Keen were in turn warned 
not to disclose my whereabouts or condition to anyone on 
penalty of severe punishment. Dr. Gardiner used to tell me 
about conversations he frequently overheard in which someone 
said that he knew positively that Powell had been shot. 

The first problem, naturally, was to decide what to do with 
my feet, which were swollen twice their normal size and were 
almost black, due to "dry" gangrene. Should they be amputated 
above the ankles, the usual practice in such cases? I heard the 
doctors discussing the subject in the corridor. 

The terrible pain my feet were causing me was almost un- 
bearable and could only be borne when I kept them elevated 
to a height above my heart; but to lose them entirely, leaving 
me with two stumps! Even the thought of that was unbearable, 
and then came the inescapable thought of ultimately recover- 
ing and going home to my family and friends in that con- 


Finally we had a conference with the doctors, each present- 
ing the pros and cons, whether to operate or not. Dr. Ranson, 
a Briton, who had studied surgery in New York, suggested a 
delay of a few hours to enable him to make an inspection of 
Chinese and poorer-class Russian hospitals to see whether he 
could find any similar cases. He found many cases in varying 
degrees of seriousness, the worst being those in which the ail- 
ment, because of neglect, had spread to the limbs and arms. 

Another consultation, and it was decided to follow the most 
approved treatment, which consisted largely of building up the 
body by supplying artificially the missing elements, thus per- 
mitting nature to overcome the poisonous infection. This treat- 
ment was prolonged and painful, as it necessitated daily dressings 
and removal of dead tissue and infected bones. The treatments 
were usually preceded by a morphine injection, which merci- 
fully deadened the pain as the doctor removed a toe here and 
a bone there. I finally lost practically the entire foreparts of 
both feet, which have been reduced to two stumps upon which 
I hope, ultimately, with the help of some specially designed 
shoes, to be able to balance myself and walk again. Since my 
arrival at New York Presbyterian Medical Center, my infec- 
tions have been cured and I have had innumerable skin-grafting 
and "plastic" operations under the skilled hands of Doctors 
Frank L. Meleney and Jerome P. Webster, both of whom 
received three years of valuable experience in the Rockefeller 
Institute in Peiping. Due to their skill and the services of the 
nursing staff, I have made a miraculous recovery in fact, I 
am on a reducing diet as this was written. 

One day another patient was brought into the hospital room 
in Shanghai adjoining mine, and a Chinese orderly whispered 
to me that the patient was a "high Italian naval officer." After 
the officer had been there a few hours he came in to see me 
and told me a strange story. He was a retired naval officer, 
captain of the Italian liner Conte Verde, which had been caught 
in Shanghai harbor when war broke. His ship carried a crew 


of about 350 Italian officers and men, who found themselves 
bottled up in Shanghai with no chance of getting home. 

He said that about a month after the outbreak of war the 
Japanese asked him to assist them in transferring a large Yugo- 
slavian-registered ship, which was also marooned in Shanghai 
harbor, to Japan. The Japanese were anxious to have the ship 
in Japan for use as an army transport to carry troops to the 
South Seas. The regular crew of the ship had deserted after the 
outbreak of war, and the Japanese had no one available in 
Shanghai who knew how to operate it. The captain of the 
Conte Verde recruited two dozen members of his Italian crew 
and sailed the Yugoslavian steamer across to Japan. All went 
well until they were entering Kobe Harbor, when, without 
warning, there was a terrific explosion and the ship was blown 
out of the water. About a dozen of the Italian volunteer crew 
were killed, and the captain was hurled from the bridge into 
the water. 

The torpedo which caused the havoc was fired by an Amer- 
ican submarine which apparently had been lying in wait off 
the Japanese port. 

The captain said that he swam until he was nearly exhausted, 

when he found a water-soaked board floating on the surface of 

the water. By gripping the edge of the board with his teeth 

and paddling with both hands he managed to keep his nose 

^bove the water and himself afloat for eight hours, when he 

was picked up by a Japanese fisherman and taken to Kobe and 

^ultimately sent back to Shanghai. 

To my surprise he seemed to have no resentment against 
Americans, despite the fact that he was suffering from a severe 
attack of arthritis as a result of exposure in the cold, dirty 
water of Kobe Harbor. Rather, he blamed the Japanese for all 
his troubles. The Conte Verde was later used to transport 
Americans, including myself, to Louren^o Marques, the little 
port in Portuguese East Africa where the first exchange of war 
prisoners between the United States and Japan took place. It 
required no perspicuity on the part of the American passengers 


on the Conte Verde to discover that the Italian crew to a man 
hated the Japanese and wished they could get away from them. 
Some of them thought they might be able to escape from the 
ship when it reached the African port, but there was no oppor- 
tunity. The Japanese seized the Conte Verde and interned the 
officers and crew in Shanghai after the collapse of Italy. 

The difficult food situation which quickly developed in 
Shanghai as a result of the Japanese occupation was soon observ- 
able in the hospital, where many common articles, domestic as 
well as imported, disappeared from the menu. Potatoes, for 
example, were out for a long time, the reason being the refusal 
of Chinese farmers to bring them to market because the Japs 
had taken over the municipal markets, and in addition to the 
extortion there the Japanese sentries along the roads leading into 
the city all exacted their toll. The Japanese had also seized the 
abattoirs, thus obtaining control over meat supplies. 

The fact that the Japanese invasion of Chinese territory was 
a robber expedition was nowhere more evident than at Shanghai. 
Here it was observable that the robber instinct, previously re- 
stricted to higher officers, had seeped down through the ranks 
to the common soldiers, who were now filling their own pockets 
by "squeezing" the poor Chinese peasants. Previously the ordi- 
nary Jap soldier had been interested only in killing and torture, 
but when he saw his officers filling their pockets he quickly 
helped himself, either by looting the poor Chinese homes or 
by forcing the peasants to pay toll as they trundled their produce 
to market along the roads or the canals. As Shanghai was an 
old and wealthy city in the midst of a rich district dotted with 
innumerable family villages, it offered the Japs an opportunity 
for loot which had not existed in the open spaces of Manchuria 
or North China. 

Once I was in the border town of Antung at the beginning 
of the war when the customs authorities, who still belonged 
to the Chinese regime, seized a Japanese army officer whose 
pockets and clothes were so filled with jewelry and money that 


he could scarcely sit down. How many people he had murdered 
or tortured to obtain this secret hoard of some rich Chinese or 
Russian family was never known. 

It wasn't long before every imaginable line of trade, par- 
ticularly foods, had been "organized" and monopolized by the 
Japanese. All of the Chinese railroads and telegraphs, previously 
government-owned, were taken over and handed to private 
Japanese companies to which monopoly privileges had been 
granted. In many cases the Japs went through the formality of 
appointing Chinese, usually friends of the Wang Ching-wei 
puppet Administration at Nanking, to minority positions in the 
Japanese monopolies. The Wang Government, at periodic inter- 
vals, would issue official notices legalizing the Japanese monop- 
oly concerns. 

As a result of the wholesale looting of Chinese resources, the 
Chinese farmers and food producers and processors ceased func- 
tioning, except for their own personal requirements. This ex- 
plained why famine conditions developed in many sections of 
China which had been prosperous. In Kwangtung Province of 
South China the Japanese have followed the practice of raiding 
rice-growing districts, where they either seize or destroy crops 
of rice which are likely to be transported into Free China. 

After having been starved in the Japanese internment camps 
for nearly four months, I naturally had to return to a normal 
diet by slow degrees. My stomach, long unaccustomed to nor- 
mal food, rebelled against many articles which had constituted 
a chief topic of conversation among the prisoners during the 
period of incarceration. For example, we used to dream about 
thick juicy steaks, but after I was taken to the hospital I found 
I couldn't eat meat of any description except an occasional 
small piece of boiled chicken. The hospital managed to obtain 
supplies of eggs, which I could eat, and when I first arrived, 
there was ample oatmeal and hot milk. But the supplies of oat- 
meal suddenly stopped, and Sister Helen tearfully told me 
that no more was available in the Shanghai market. "I have 


searched everywhere, and there isn't a single package of any 
kind of American breakfast cereal in Shanghai," she said. 

I was lying in bed thinking of this new crisis when I sud- 
denly had an idea. For the past two years the American Red 
Cross Committee in Shanghai, of which I was a member, had 
been distributing "cracked wheat" and dried powdered skim 
mUk to thousands of Chinese refugees who had been impov- 
erished by the war. The Red Cross committees of businessmen 
and missionaries had been formed in the areas occupied by the 
Japanese army. Chinese businessmen in the foreign ports financed 
the transportation of the grain from Shanghai to interior points. 
The Japanese permitted most of the shipments to pass into 
territory controlled by their army, the reason being two-fold: 
First, the Japanese didn't want to do anything which might 
cause the United States Government to enforce the threatened 
embargo on vast shipments of scrap iron, oil, machinery, and 
cotton which were flowing into Japan; second, the Japanese 
army was purchasing (with worthless military notes) or seizing, 
all of the rice and other foods which the Chinese farmers pro- 
duced, hence they were not averse to permitting American 
humanitarians to take over the job of feeding the starving vic- 
tims of Japanese aggression. It also happened that the famine, 
period in China, beginning with the Japanese invasion of North 
China and the Yangtze Valley in 1937, coincided with the 
period of surplus wheat in the United States. Enormous quan- 
tities of the wheat were shipped to China in "cracked" form, 
meaning that it had passed through the first milling process, 
chiefly in the big mills at Seattle. 

Missionary organizations and their Chinese affiliates who had 
charge of much of the distribution originated numerous palat- 
able menus which gradually changed the almost exclusively 
rice-eating habits of the Chinese in the Yangtze Valley and 
South China to a diet of American wheat. 

In North China the population was already accustomed to 
grain diets, wheat, corn, or kaoliang* but in Central and South 
China the staple was rice, which, incidentally, is the most 


expensive grain of all to produce, as it must be hand-planted, 
hand-harvested and hand-threshed. 

My "great idea" as I lay in the municipal hospital, after 
Sister Helen had told me of the drying up of the cereal 
supply, was concerned with the large quantities of cracked 
wheat which the Red Cross shipped to Shanghai, and much of 
which was still in storage. I dictated a letter for Sister Helen 
to send to the American Relief Committee, which was still 
functioning, suggesting that they intercede with the Japanese 
army to release some of the wheat for use of the patients in the 
hospital As a result we succeeded in obtaining a considerable 
quantity of the cracked wheat for the hospital I also learned 
that the American committee had induced the Japs to release 
a further quantity of the American cracked wheat and dehy- 
drated milk for the use of a considerable number of Americans 
who found themselves in destitute circumstances as a result of 
the shutting down of businesses with which they were con- 
nected. Thus the American population in Shanghai unexpectedly 
became the beneficiaries of a charity enterprise which originally 
was intended for Chinese victims of Japanese aggression, 

I wondered what became of the tens of thousands of starving 
Chinese who had subsisted on the American cracked wheat 
prior to Pearl Harbor, because the Japs immediately stopped all 
distribution to the Chinese and commandeered all stocks. They 
also did the same with regard to the large stocks of specialized 
foods such as evaporated milk, baby foods and medicines which 
the American Committee for Medical Aid to China, and other 
bodies, had sent to Shanghai for relief purposes. Presumably 
these unfortunate people joined the ranks of the thirty million 
Chinese refugees who fled from Japanese-occupied regions and 
joined the long trek to the west where they could be under 
the National Government of Free China. 

On the Exchange List 

ONE DAY A YOUNG Japanese lieutenant from the army spokes- 
man's office came to see me at the hospital, and brought along 
a large parcel of cigarettes. He spoke American-English per- 
fectly, and said he had attended school in the United States. 
He disclosed to me in great secrecy the exciting information 
that there was to be an exchange of American and Japanese 
civilians, and that American newspaper correspondents were to 
be included in the exchange. He was certain that I would be 
permitted to sail on the exchange ship, providing my health 
would permit me to be taken on board. 

Would the Japanese really permit me to sail, and would I 
be physically able to make the trip? I put it up to Dr. Gardiner. 
"You might be able to make the trip if you had daily medical 
attention, but I'm not on the exchange list! " There was no way 
of obtaining a copy of the sailing list to see whether any doctors 
were included. It turned out that there were thirty missionary 
doctors on the boat and more than fifty nurses, but we had no 
way of knowing it then. I had no assurance, aside from the 
word of the young Japanese army lieutenant, that rny name 
was on the list. 

Later I had another caller, the Consul-General for neutral 
Switzerland, who acted for the United States in the Far East. 
He told me of many attempts he had made to see me at both 
Bridge House and Kiangwan prisons, but he had always been 
put off with crudely written letters bearing my signature stat- 
ing "I am in good health and very satisfied," or similar ridicu- 
lous statements which I obviously had not written. The Swiss 



Consul-General also told me of the report which had been 
circulated in the United States that I had been executed for 
"espionage," and of inquiries he had received from the State 
Department on the subject. The Swiss official assured me that 
iny name was on the sailing list of the exchange ship, providing 
my physical condition would permit my being taken aboard, 
and providing also that the Japanese didn't change their minds 
at the last minute and decide to hold me in Shanghai. 

A few days later Vic Keen came to see me, in great agita- 
tion, ;and showed me a copy of the Shanghai Evening "Post and 
Mercury > former American paper but now a Japanese organ, 
which had a two-column story on the front page stating that a 
number of Americans and Britons had been convicted by army 
court-martial of espionage activities against Japan and had been 
given heavy sentences. My name was in the list. Keen felt 
certain that a group of the army which was known to oppose 
my repatriation had been able to countermand the previous 
order, and that I probably would be returned to the Japanese 
prison. I also learned that the report in the paper had been 
broadcast over the Japanese radio by an American journalistic 
renegade who had "gone over" to the Japs and was broadcasting 
Domei and Transocean reports over one of the former Amer- 
ican stations. 

Under the excellent care of the hospital staff my health had 
begun to show improvement; my weight was up to 79 pounds, 
and I was able to sit in a reclining chair in the sun on the 
veranda adjoining my room. The pain in my abbreviated feet 
had also decreased, thanks to the removal of many of the in- 
fected bones and tissues, and the receipt of further blood trans- 
fusions. The prospect of my being able to sail spurred the 
nurses and Chinese orderlies to increased effort in my behalf, 
Vic Keen's Chinese boy even smuggled into the hospital some 
delicious Chinese food of his own preparation, Sister Helen 
brought me a little charrn which she pinned on my pajamas 
over my heart, with a prayer for my recovery* She was elated 


when I repeated to her from memory a prayer-poem she had 
given me a few days previously. 

Then I received a report that Dr. Gardiner's name had been 
added to the sailing list, which brought me almost as much joy 
as it did him. I also learned that another long-time medical 
friend, Dr. J. C McCracken of St. Luke's Hospital, and his 
wife, were scheduled to sail. So too was Dr. Randolph Shields 
of the Cheeloo Medical School in Shantung. The presence of 
such a large number of missionary doctors and nurses on the 
exchange ship was an indication of the extent to which the 
Japanese invasion of China had forced the suspension of hos- 
pitals and medical services. 

In the midst of the joyful news and preparations for de- 
parture came the report in the renegade papers, supplemented 
by the broadcast over the Jap radio, that I would not be per- 
mitted to sail. 

Of one thing I was certain I would never go back to the 
Jap prison alive. I mentally calculated the distance from my 
bed to the veranda, and wondered whether I might be able to 
summon sufficient strength to crawl to the veranda and climb 
over the four-foot banister and throw myself to the street, 
seven floors below. The idea of suicide had never before en- 
tered my mind, although I suspected on several occasions that 
the Japanese gendarmes would have been greatly pleased if I 
had leaped over the railing of the narrow balcony which fronted 
the fourth-floor apartments in Bridge House Prison where the 
gendarme inquisitors had their offices. The Japanese guard who 
escorted me frbm my cell to Lieutenant Yamamoto's office and 
back, often, late at night, would point over the banister into 
the dark courtyard below and laugh significantly, but I pre- 
tended not to notice him and hurried along the dark passageway 
as fast as I could walk. 

My thoughts involuntarily reverted to the case of my friend 
and former newspaper colleague at Shanghai, u j m i e " Cox, 
correspondent for Reuter's, who jumped or was thrown from 


a fourth-floor window in the gendarmerie headquarters in 
Tokyo during the same kind of inquisition to which I was 
being subjected. Jimmie, well known in newspaper circles in 
the Far East, had been manager of Renter's Tokyo office for 
some time when he was suddenly summoned to the gendarmerie 
headquarters and charged with espionage activities on behalf 
of the British Embassy. After he had been questioned for sev- 
eral hours, so the gendarmes alleged, Cox had confessed his 
guilt and jumped from the window to the concrete sidewalk 
below. He was not killed by the fall and was taken to a hospital 
in an unconscious condition. The British Embassy finally forced 
the Japanese to permit a British doctor to examine him, and 
it was found that his arms and legs were covered with marks 
indicating that he had been repeatedly pricked by a hypodermic 

There was no way of explaining the mystery, as Cox never 
regained consciousness. Were the marks of the needle evidence 
of some weird form of Japanese torture designed to make him 
confess to something of which he was not guilty? Some thought 
the gendarmes had repeatedly beaten him into insensibility and 
then revived him with a hypodermic, until they had forced 
him to sign a crudely written confession, following which they 
had thrown him from the window. After his death the Japanese 
turned over to Jimmie's wife the sheet of paper containing his 
alleged confession. Relman Morin, Associated Press correspond- 
ent in Tokyo, who sent a report of the incident, was himself 
summoned to the police station for questioning concerning his 
sources of information; but he was released after a few hours, 
James R. Young, I.N.S- correspondent in Tokyo, was also im- 
prisoned for several weeks because of cables he had filed while 
on a trip to China, which had aroused the ire of the war lords. 
Other correspondents in Japan, including Otto Tolischus of the 
New York Times, were also imprisoned and mistreated after 
Pearl Harbor. 

The day following publication of the report of my "con- 
viction" the young Japanese lieutenant came to see me again, 


and when he saw the distressed look on my face he smiled 
reassuringly and said, "Don't pay any attention to that story 
or the broadcast; you are certain to be on the Conte Verde 
when it sails next week." I asked him why the story had been 
printed. His reply was only one word, "Face." It continued to 
puzzle me, but after I reached New York a friend told me he 
had heard in Washington that the Japanese had made a last- 
minute attempt to hold me but had been forced to permit me 
to sail when the State Department allegedly threatened to hold 
a Japanese banker whom the Tokyo Government was anxious 
to have repatriated. 

Two days before the Conte Verde sailed my Japanese officer 
acquaintance came to tell me good-bye and he had a request, 
which explains why I cannot divulge his name. He told me he 
was a graduate of a well known American university and "if 
I happened to see any of his classmates, would I explain to 
them that he entertained no hatred for Americans and had 
joined the Japanese army not from choice." He was one of the 
only two Japanese among several scores I met in the course of 
many years of newspaper work in the Orient who expressed such 

Sister Helen and the head Chinese orderly at the hospital 
came to my room early one morning and announced that the 
ambulance had come to take me to the Conte Verde. Dr. Gar- 
diner arrived a few minutes later, with his hands full of vaccina- 
tion and inoculation certificates, and testimonials to my "good 
health" and complete freedom from any "contagious ailments." 
These were all necessary in order to obtain a sailing permit. 
Also there was an order permitting me to draw from the ship's 
purser the sum of $100 to cover my expenses on the voyage. 
The money was a loan from Uncle Sam, advanced through the 
State Department and the Swiss consulate. I needed it greatly 
because I had disposed of most of my worldly possessions which 
had escaped Japanese seizure, including my office typewriters, 
in order to pay my hospital and medicine bills. My office, 


including a large stock of precious print paper and my office 
library, the most complete newspaper reference library and 
"morgue" in the Far East, and also my business and personal 
accounts in the bank, were of no use to me now, as they were 
sealed by the Imperial Japanese Army. When I was finally 
carried aboard the ship the strain of the last few days which 
had buoyed me up was suddenly relaxed and as the bearers set 
my stretcher down on the floor in the corridor to my stateroom, 
I fainted for the first time. 

When I came to I found a slip of paper someone had slipped 
into my hand. It was from a personal friend, a young American 
woman journalist formerly employed on the China Press. She 
wished me a pleasant trip and expressed her faith in my final 
recovery. She asked me to tell her parents not to worry, and 
expressed the hope she would be able to sail on the "next voyage" 
of the Gripsholm. Unfortunately she was not permitted to sail 
on the next voyage, and as I write is still in Shanghai. As the 
Conte Verde drew away from the jetty I strained my eyes to 
see her among the hundreds of Americans standing on the 
jetty, all trying to be brave, but holding back their tears with 
difficulty. I couldn't hold mine back! All of them prayed to be 
able to sail on the "next exchange ship," but none dreamed 
that more than a year would elapse before the stubborn Jap- 
anese would agree to another sailing, or that in the intervening 
time all Americans in Shanghai and elsewhere in the Far East 
would be interned and that many would not be able to survive 
the ordeal. There has been no further exchange of prisoners 
with Japan. 


Homeward Bound 

THE PASSENGER LISTS of the first voyage of the Conte Verde, 
which carried refugees from China ports, and of the Asama 
Maru, which carried refugees from Japanese ports, Manchuria 
and Korea, included five distinct groups: first, diplomatic and 
consular officials; second, newspaper correspondents; third, "out- 
port" missionaries; fourth, Canadians; fifth, Latin-Americans. 
The term "out-port" is a familiar one in the Orient, referring 
chiefly to missionaries who reside in the interior parts of the 
country, not in the coastal cities. In addition to these five 
classifications, there were also a few businessmen on board. The 
missionaries, who were the largest group, included both Prot- 
estants and Catholics. The details of the exchange concerning 
feeding and medical care of passengers were arranged through 
the International Red Cross at Geneva, Switzerland. 

We had one stowaway on the Conte Verde, an American 
young man who came on board to tell his friends good-bye and 
who lingered too long over a drink in the friend's cabin. Unfor- 
tunately for him, he was discovered by the Japanese before our 
ship passed the last customs boat at the mouth of the Yangtze. 
An hour more and he might have been safe, but he was trans- 
ferred from our ship to the customs boat and sent back to 
Shanghai. We never heard what happened to him, but imagined 
the worst. 

The Conte Verde was a crack Italian liner before the war, 
operating between Italian ports and the Orient. It was manned 
by an Italian crew numbering some 300 officers and men. The 
Conte Verde was caught in Shanghai at the time of the Japanese 
attack on Pearl Harbor, but since Japan and Italy were part- 


nets in the Axis the Japanese could not seize the ship, despite 
Japan's dire need of ocean tonnage. Since the Conte Verde was 
used for repatriating Americans from Japanese-occupied terri- 
tory, the ship was subject to Japanese governmental orders, 
which were carried out by a contingent of Japanese naval 
officers and Foreign Office officials aboard. Fortunately the 
Japanese remained in their quarters, and we saw little of them. 
The situation was a curious one, because it was obvious that the 
Italian officers and crew were on friendlier terms with the pas- 
sengers than they were with the Japanese. The Italian head 
steward on the deck where my cabin was located quickly 
assured us that he had little love for the Japanese, and wished 
that Italy was on our side in the war. 

The officers and men of the Conte Verde had an opportu- 
nity, not many months later, to demonstrate the truth of this 
statement. On the morning of September 8, 1943, the day when 
Italy dropped out of the war, Americans who had been interned 
in an old factory building ia the Pootung section of Shanghai 
were astonished to see the Conte Verde, which had been 
anchored just off shore, slowly changing its position. There were 
a large number of sailors and officers on the main deck, and they 
were waving and shouting at the interned Americans, who had 
been attracted to the windows of their "jail" by the shouts of 
the Italians. The Americans were astonished, however, to see 
the proud Italian liner, instead of moving forward as they 
expected, slowly turn over on its side in the muddy harbor. The 
Italian crew had received a tip-off by radio from some source 
in Italy telling the news of their country's withdrawal from 
the war. They immediately opened the valves in the hull and 
scuttled the ship. The Japanese were infuriated, as they would 
have seized the ship to help balance their losses of* ship tonnage 
caused by American submarine action. Within a few minutes 
a Japanese destroyer, with its guns trained, sped up to the 
Conte Verde, but it was too late the ship was already lying 
on its side, and the Italian officers and men were clinging to the 
rail, cheering the interned Americans on shore. The commander 


of the Japanese destroyer removed the Italian officers and crew, 
and placed a Japanese guard on the sloping deck. The Italians 
were interned for the duration. 

Later the Japanese, pressed still more for shipping, floated 
the Conte Verde and prepared to take the ship to Japan for 
repairs. But they were frustrated again this time a lone Amer- 
ican plane, attached to the Fourteenth Air Corps at Kunming, 
flew over and dropped several bombs directly on the ship 
which slowly settled back on the muddy bottom of the Whang- 
poo, where it lies with its deck awash. 

The first stop of the Conte Verde bearing our party of war 
refugees was off shore at Singapore, where we were joined by 
the Asama Adam, which had preceded us, stopping at Hong 
Kong harbor, to pick up a number of Americans and Canadians 
who were on the repatriation list. From Singapore both ships 
sailed southward, practically within speaking distance of each 
other for the entire voyage down the coast of southwestern 
Asia and then across the Indian. Ocean to the little Portuguese 
port of Lourengo Marques, in the southern tip of the Portuguese 
colony of Mozambique on the east coast of Africa. 

Since both ships had been granted safe passage by all bellig- 
erents, they were plainly marked and were brightly illuminated 
at night, so there would be no mistake on the part of some 
submarine commander. On the entire voyage from Shanghai to 
Africa, approximately thirty days, we sighted only one small 
cargo boat, and that was in the Indian Ocean. After leaving 
Singapore we passed through the dangerous waters of the 
Netherlands Indies and through the Coral Sea, the scene of the 
memorable victory of the American warships over the Japanese, 
which will probably go down in history as the battle that saved 
Australia from Japanese invasion. 

When the Conte Verde first crossed the equator, several of 
the younger passengers planned a celebration in honor of Father 
Neptune, God of the Sea, in accordance with ancient custom. 
The ceremony usually consists of ducking, hair-cutting, beard- 


trimming, or worse, but the celebration was called off when it 
was learned that the point where our ship crossed the equator 
was quite near the graveyard of the American cruiser Houston, 
which had been torpedoed by the Japanese and went down with 
practically her entire crew of more than 600 officers and men. 
Both the Houston and the sister cruiser, the Augusta, were well 
known in Far Eastern ports. 

The spirits of the passengers improved as we traveled farther 
and farther away from Japan, We had evidence, however, of the 
nervousness which still prevailed among the passengers one 
Sunday when Bishop Gilman, the speaker at the church service, 
referred to the Japanese in his sermon. Several of the passengers 
feared that the Bishop's reference might arouse the indignation 
of the Japanese officers aboard, and an attempt was made to 
induce the Bishop to make an apology, or at least an explanation, 
which he naturally refused to do. 

We had not sailed far before the problem of a nurse became 
paramount, as I was practically helpless. My friend, Dr. J. C. 
McCracken, decided to appeal for volunteers. As a result eight 
missionary nurses offered their services. The young ladies were 
Miss Beulah Bourns, Somerset, Manitoba, Canada; Miss Ruth 
Danner, Bloomington, 111.; Miss Helen Dizney, Boston, Mass.; 
Miss Isabel Hemingway, New York City; Miss Vera Ingcrson, 
Battle Creek, Mich.; Miss Geneva Miller, New York City; 
Miss Irene Moore, Chatham, Ontario, Canada, and Miss Edith 
Myers, New York City. Another missionary to whom I owed 
much on the trip was Mr. Don Paris of Tapino, British Colum- 
bia, Canada. Mr. Faris was connected with Cheeloo University, 
Tsinan, Shantung, where he had charge of rural life work. He 
came to my cabin every day and carried me to the deck, where 
the brilliant sun and bracing sea air worked wonders on my 
emaciated body. 

All of the young women had been in charge of mission 
hospitals at interior points in China, in some cases more than a 
thousand miles from the coast They had remained on the job 


up to the Japanese occupation of the territory where they were 
located, and each had a thrilling story to tell of her experiences 
in trying to care for the Chinese patients and protect the prop- 
erty after the Japanese had taken over. In some cases their 
Chinese patients were literally thrown into the street and the 
hospital closed. At one hospital in Shantung the nursing" staff 
was confined to the building, and for a considerable period no 
one was permitted to enter or leave. They ran out of food, and 
had it not been for the loyalty of the Chinese staff, who man- 
aged to smuggle in rice and vegetables, they would have starved. 
In other cases, however, they received better treatment and 
were not subjected to any indignities. Most of these young 
ladies plan to return to China to resume their work in 
sections of the country under control of the National Govern- 
ment. All are engaged in useful service in the United States and 

There apparently were no cases in North China similar to 
the atrocities described by Miss Gwen Dew, correspondent for 
Newsweek, who was at Hong Kong when the Japanese cap- 
tured that British port. Miss Dew described to me how the 
Japanese soldiers shot the British doctor who attempted to pre- 
vent them from entering his hospital, following which they bay- 
onetted the wounded British and Canadian soldiers and capped 
their brutalities by raping the nurses* 

The passengers on both the Conte Verde and the Asama 
Mam received their first genuine thrill and sense of relief when 
we entered the harbor of Louren^o Marques. Since Portugal is 
neutral, Loureno Marques provided a welcome port of call on 
the East African coast for allied ships of every description, 
Here we had our first glimpse, since Pearl Harbor, of American 
and British flags. They were flying from the masts of rusty 
tankers, but they could not have brought more joy had they 
been on a palatial liner. There were several American and British 
tankers and cargo boats in the harbor, and as soon as the captains 
of those ships recognized us they began sounding the victory 


signal with their sirens, while the officers and crews cheered. 
Immediately the whole harbor and surrounding hills were echo- 
ing to the sounds of the sirens giving the V signal at full blast. 
We realized for the first time that we were at last free from the 
barbarian of the East 

We knew that we were scheduled to meet at Lourengo 
Marques the Swedish liner Gripsholm, which carried the same 
number of Japanese repatriates from the United States as there 
were North and South Americans on our ships. As our ships 
drew near the jetty we noticed that the Gripsholm had already 
preceded us into the harbor and was anchored at the dock. 
As arranged previously, the Asama Mam, carrying refugees 
from Japan, Manchuria, Hong Kong, and Korea, and the 
Conte Verde, carrying our party from China, drew up on each 
side of the Gripsholm^ which was loaded with Japanese. After 
our ships had been made fast at the dock, a conference was held 
as to the actual method of making the exchange. All passengers 
were instructed to pack their bags and stand in the corridors, 
and when the signal was given two lines of Japanese from the 
Gripsholm moved down the gangplank of their ship to the 
jetty, while similar lines from our ship and the Asama Maru 
moved down our gangplanks to the same jetty, where the lines 
passed each other, the North Americans and South Americans 
then proceeding up the gangplank to the Gripsbolm, while the 
Japs took our places. Since the total passenger list on the 
Asama Mam and Conte Verde numbered approximately i,<5oo, 
we quickly discovered that the Gripsholm was to be much 
more crowded than had been the case on either of the other 
ships on the outward voyage, Some American children, not 
being as aware of the seriousness of the war situation as were 
their elders, began fraternizing with the Japanese boys on the 
Gripsholm. Since the Japanese boys had attended school in 
the United States, they all spoke the same language, hence there 
was considerable amusement aboard our ship when a Japanese 
kid yelled across to the American boys hanging from the rail 
of our ship, "What kind of food have you got on your ship?" 


One of our youngsters immediately replied, "Rotten, but have 
you got any ice cream on your boat?" To which the Japanese 
replied, "Plenty!" We were told that many of the Japanese were 
none too enthusiastic about returning to their homeland after 
long residence in the United States. 

There "tvere innumerable reunions as the passengers from 
our ships, which had sailed within sight of each other for thirty 
days, finally got together on the Gripsholm. There were several 
cases where American and Canadian husbands, who had been 
interned at Hong Kong and were passengers on the Asama 
Maru } were reunited with their wives who had been in Shanghai 
and in consequence were passengers on the Conte Verde. 
Among the American newspapermen in Japan who were pas- 
sengers on the Asama Maru were Robert Bellaire, head of the 
United Press at Tokyo; Max Hill, head of the Associated Press, 
and Relman Morin, also of the Associated Press at the Japanese 
capital. Another well known American correspondent in Japan 
who had been interned and had suffered severely at the hands 
of his Japanese captors was Otto Tolischus of the New York 

There also were numerous reunions of American diplomats 
from Japan and China. On the Asama Maru were Ambassador 
Joseph G Grew and his staff, including Mr. Eugene H. Dooman, 
Counsellor of Embassy, and Mr. Frank Williams, commercial 
attache. On our ship were Mr. Frank Lockhart, Consul-General 
at Shanghai and concurrently Counsellor of Embassy, and his 
staff. Also on our ship was Miss Jacobson, acting manager of 
the office of the United States Treasury at Shanghai. The direc- 
tor of the China office of the United States Treasury at 
Shanghai, Mr, Martin R, Nicholson, died suddenly of a heart 
ailment in his office only a few days before Pearl Harbor, and 
his body was still unburied at the undertaker's when the Japa- 
nese took over the city. Nicholson's friends, including myself, 
felt that it perhaps was fortunate that "Nick'' had escaped the 
Japs, as he probably had tracked down more international dope 
smugglers, including many Japanese, than any other man in 


the narcotic-suppression division of our Treasury Department. 
I had known Nicholson for many years and had spent many 
evenings in his home, when he recounted his adventures with 
desperate smugglers of narcotics. Three notorious gangsters re- 
cently executed at Sing Sing, who owed their convictions on 
a murder charge to Governor Thomas E. Dewey, were exposed 
as members of an international dope ring by the unadvertised 
activities of Martin Nicholson, Treasury agent at Shanghai. 

Several of the American consular officials left our ship at 
Lourengo Marques, upon instructions of the State Department, 
which transferred them to other posts in Africa, the Near East 
and India. Mr. A. Bland Calder, acting commercial attach6 in 
China, was transferred to Moscow. Other American newspaper- 
men aboard the Gripsholm were Morris J. Harris, former chief 
of the Associated Press bureau in China; Jimmy White, also 
with Associated Press at Shanghai; John Goette, International 
News Service at Peiping, and "Hank" Ford, International 
News Service at Shanghai. 

Since several days were required to make the transfer of 
passengers and other arrangements at Lourengo Marques, time 
was provided for an inspection of this attractive little Portu- 
guese port, a jewel on the east coast of the dark continent. Al- 
though located in Portuguese colonial territory, Lourengo 
Marques served in peacetime as an outlet for a rich and rapidly 
developing hinterland extending for thousands of miles across 
Africa and south to Cape Town, Union of South Africa, Many 
of the passengers took side trips to view the sights of East Africa 
in the vicinity, particularly the giant hippos in a nearby river. 

Lourengo Marques is famous for two things its excellent 
fruit, which rivals that of Florida, and native-made bronze cruci- 
fixes and sacred images. My nurse bought me a beautiful crucifix 
which I shall always treasure. As for the famous fruit of 
Lourenjo Marques, I gave one of my nurses a dollar and asked 
her to purchase for me a supply of African grapefruit She 
came back with two large baskets, one on each arm. There were 


more than a dozen, of excellent flavor and considerably larger 
than either our Florida or California brands. As none of our 
passengers had eaten any fresh fruit for weeks, we practically 
cleared the shops of their supplies. 

I was too ill to leave my cabin except to be carried on deck, 
hence I had to enjoy the scenery at second-hand. Fortunately 
I met an old newsreel acquaintance from the civil war days in 
China, Merle LaVoy. Officials who took charge of our party 
at Lourengo Marques had issued strict orders against any news- 
reel men being permitted to come on board the Gripsholm, but 
LaVoy had been up against censorship too long to permit that 
to bother him. One day LaVoy appeared in my stateroom, 
dressed in a heavy overcoat which bulged in all directions. He 
looked as though he weighed three hundred pounds. But the 
excess avoirdupois quickly disappeared when he divested him- 
self of at least a half dozen cameras, including newsreels. With 
the help of Dr. Gardiner, LaVoy immediately proceeded to 
take my picture from all points of view, including the lacerated 
and swollen remains of my feet. One picture which he snapped, 
showing me lying on the bed with one of my injured feet 
extended, he labeled "Gandhi" Powell because, he explained, of 
my resemblance to the wasted frame of the Indian Nationalist 
leader. My weight then was about eighty pounds. This particu- 
lar picture later appeared in Life, and must have been seen by 
most of my old classmates, teachers, neighbors, friends, and 
relatives, because when I landed at New York I found more 
than six hundred letters awaiting me, 

Since LaVoy had been stationed for a considerable time In 
South Africa, he told many Interesting stories of conditions on 
that continent. I was particularly interested in his description 
of the large game preserve, largest area In the world where the 
native animals of Africa are protected and live as if in their 
native haunts. Within the park are Innumerable African animals 
such as lions, elephants, giraffes, wildebeests, gorillas, and so on, 
living in their natural state. He said that it was possible for one 
to travel in a motor car through the native haunts of these 


animals without molestation. LaVoy declared they wouldn't 
even look up when the motor cars passed by. 

Practically all of the newspapermen aboard received cables 
at Loureno Marques asking for stories of their experiences and 
descriptions of conditions in the Far East following Pearl 
Harbor. As a result there was a great scurrying about for type- 
writers, paper, carbon paper, and cable blanks. The little Portu- 
guese telegraph office at Lourengo Marques was swamped with 
news messages, some of them several thousand words in length. 
I received a cable from Mr. Charles G. Ross of the St. Louis 
Post-Dispatch bureau in Washington asking me to write a series 
of articles for the Post-Dispatch. As I was physically unable to 
sit up in bed and type, I was at a loss to comply with Ross's 
request. Two of my nurses who had stenographic experience 
volunteered their services, and soon my stateroom resembled 
a newspaper office, with me dictating and the nurses typing 
the stories. I succeeded in sending one story by cable before the 
Gripsholm sailed. The others I dictated in more leisurely fashion 
on the voyage from Lourengo Marques to Rio de Janeiro. Con- 
sul-General Lockhart read my report, and asked me for a copy to 
be incorporated in his report to the State Department. When the 
Gripsholm reached Rio I dispatched the stories by air mail, and 
they reached their destination in a few hours and without 
censorship. The articles were later syndicated to newspapers all 
over the United States arid Latin America by King Features. 
Reader's Digest also summarized the article in an early issue 
after I landed. 

After the Gripsholm had rounded Cape of Good Hope on the 
return voyage, our fear of Japanese torpedo attack changed 
to anxiety about Nazi submarines, as they were then active in 
the South Atlantic. We sailed directly across the South Atlantic 
to Rio de Janeiro, our first stop in the new and free world of 
the Americas. Since we had a large number of Latin American 
diplomats aboard, we spent several days in the Brazilian metrop- 
olis, which has one of the most beautiful harbors in the world. 


High above the city on a commanding mountain peak is a gi- 
gantic statue of Jesus with arms outstretched. The statue rivals 
in size and beauty the famous statue of Christ of the Andes, 
which stands on the peak of a mountain on the border between 
Chile and Argentina, symbolizing many decades of peace be- 
tween the two important Latin American countries. 

At Rio our ship was joined by a number of officials of the 
State Department, and other departments of the government, 
including the F.B.I., who were interested in checking up on our 
passenger list and obtaining the latest information from the Far 
East. Among them was Dr. Carl F. Remer, an old resident of 
Shanghai and a contributor to the China Weekly Review. He 
had been Professor of Economics at St. John's University in 
Shanghai, and author of books on economic and financial condi- 
tions in China, but later returned home and joined the faculty 
of the University of Minnesota. He is now serving as an 
executive in the State Department at Washington. Professor 
Remer brought me the first news of my family; that my wife, 
son, daughter, son-in-law, and three-year-old grandson would 
be in New York when our ship reached the home port. I also 
had another welcome visitor on board the Gripsholm in Rio 
Harbor Dr, Shao-Hwa Tan, Chinese minister to Brazil, whom 
I had known in Nanking. He brought me messages of greeting 
and good-will from the then Chinese Ambassador in Washing- 
ton, Dr. Hu Shih, as well as other members of the Chinese 
diplomatic and consular staffs in New York and elsewhere, in- 
cluding Mr. T. V. Soong, Foreign Minister, and Generalissimo 
Chiang Kai-shek. Of my many Chinese friends, I have the 
greatest esteem for an unknown restaurant owner in New York 
who notified me that I could always dine at his place without 
charge. He said that he had read of my experiences at the 
hands of the Japs, and wanted to show his appreciation of my 
service for China in a practical way. He assured me that no 
Chinese restaurant would charge me for a meal if I would 
identify myself, but I haven't tried that out. 


Although the danger of Nazi submarines was still an ever 
present one, the voyage home from Rio almost resembled a 
pleasure tour, thanks to the smoothness of the sea. As we were 
on the last lap of our voyage, the restraint under which we had 
lived so long gradually lifted. Many of the "godless" passengers, 
including most of the newspapermen and businessmen, and 
several of the diplomats, resorted to the well known American 
games of poker and craps, and while we had only a few days 
left, the time was nevertheless sufficient for most of them to 
lose the sums which had been advanced by the State Depart- 
ment to cover incidental expenses. A doctor friend of mine 
was the chief winner. 

On the voyage to New York the Gripsholw swung out to 
the mid-Atlantic, to avoid German submarines which were 
active along the Brazilian Coast and the Caribbean Sea. One 
day there was considerable excitement when we passed the 
burning wreckage of a ship, supposedly a tanker which had 
been toipedoed. We felt that the captain of the Gripsholm 
should have stopped to see whether there were any survivors 
clinging to the wreckage, but he had instructions to proceed 
directly without stopping for anything because there might 
have been a German submarine lurking in the vicinity, ready 
to blow us out of the water had we stopped to investigate. 

China's Future 

MY CHIEF WORRY on the long homeward journey had been the 
question of medical attention and hospital service upon landing 
at New York. Due to my long absence from the United States, 
I was unfamiliar with doctors and hospitals, and I frequently 
discussed the matter with various physicians whom I knew 
aboard the Gripshohn. Most of the missionary doctors recom- 
mended the Columbia Presbyterian Medical Center of New 
York, which had long maintained connections in the Orient, 
particularly with China, through the dispatch of medical mis- 
sions of physicians and nurses. I was told that several members 
of the medical center staff had served on the faculty of Peiping 
Union Medical College (Rockefeller Institute) in North China. 

A further source of worry, as the Gripsbolm neared New 
York, was how I would get off the boat in my helpless condi- 
tion. In the general excitement as we entered the harbor, I was 
almost forgotten in the rush of passengers to the decks. How- 
ever, one faithful nurse remained to watch the passing scene 
from the window of my stateroom and describe excitedly the 
never-to-be-forgotten landmarks of New York's harbor and the 
famous skyline of lower Manhattan. She exclaimed, "Oh, there's 
the Statue of Liberty," and we both wiped the tears from 
our eyes. 

The GripshoMs propellers had scarcely ceased revolving, 
as the ship came to a stop alongside the pier, when I heard 
someone hurry along the corridor leading to my room. A 
familiar figure entered the door it was my son, John William, 
who had departed from Shanghai only a few weeks before 
Pearl Harbor, after a year on the staff of the China Press. 



Luckily he had decided to return home in order to complete his 
course at the School of Journalism at the University of Missouri, 
and thus had escaped the Japs. As he strode into my stateroom 
he was accompanied by a marine corporal, who solved my 
problem of leaving the ship by picking me up bodily and carry- 
ipg me ashore in his arms. He commented humorously on my 
light weight and Gandhi-like appearance as he carried me with 
little effort down the gangplank and directly to a waiting am- 
bulance, driven by a young woman in the uniform of the 
American Red Cross Ambulance Corps. I saw another young 
woman standing beside the ambulance, who introduced herself 
to me. She was my daughter, Bunny, whom I had not seen since 
she departed from Shanghai when she was ten years old. After 
completing the journalism course at Missouri, she had joined 
the Post-Dispatch in St. Louis, but shortly afterward had mar- 
ried and was living in Washington, where her husband, Mal- 
colm Stewart Hensley, was acting director of the foreign 
broadcast monitoring service of the Federal Communica- 
tions Commission. He is now manager of the United Press in 

I was taken temporarily to the Marine Hospital on Staten 
Island, where my wife was awaiting me. This hospital is under 
the supervision of the United States Public Health Service, and 
I was told that emergency cases resulting from enemy sub- 
marine attacks on our merchant ships were taken there. I stayed 
in the Marine Hospital only about twenty-four hours, when ar- 
rangements were made to transfer me to Harkness Pavilion of 
the Columbia Presbyterian Medical Center. There I still am as 
this is written, over two and a half years later. 

After a careful examination by staff physicians at the Medi- 
cal Center, I was told that the original diagnosis of my condi- 
tion made in Shanghai had been correct. My ailment was a 
serious case of gangrenous infection of both feet, resulting from 
malnutrition, exposure, and the stoppage of circulation in my 
feet and legs, due to the Japanese habit of forcing Occidental 


prisoners to sit on their feet "Japanese fashion" for long periods 
at a stretch. 

Every effort was made at once to check the infection in 
my feet. This and further difficult surgical tasks were under- 
taken by Dr. Frank L. Meleney and Dr. Jerome P. Webster, 
and their assistants. At the some time I was put on a diet of 
enriched milk and other foods with large doses of vitamins in 
order to build up my general resistance and restore my starved, 
emaciated body. 

During my long stay in the hospital I have also had in- 
numerable blood transfusions. I was immediately impressed by 
the ease with which blood or plasma transfusions are made in 
this country, in comparison with the difficulties I experienced in 
Shanghai on my release from prison. There was no such thing 
as a blood bank in all China at the outbreak of the war, and it 
is only since I have been a patient at Presbyterian Hospital 
that the hospital authorities, in cooperation with Chinese in- 
terests in New York, have sent a complete blood-bank unit 
to China. A Chinese nurse, Mrs. Liu, who received her training 
at the S.D.A. Sanitarium at Shanghai and at Presbyterian Hos- 
pital in New York, has charge of die bank, the first in China. 

As the infection in my feet gradually cleared up, the exposed 
surfaces were covered with grafts of skin, transplanted from 
my upper thighs. This is known as pinch grafting, and is done 
by the removal of small pieces of skin about the size of a nickel, 
which are then grafted on the exposed surfaces so that the 
edges meet and, if the graft is successful, grow together. About 
sixty pinch grafts of skin from each of my thighs were re- 
quired, a process which lasted for over a year. 

By the fall of 1943 I was beginning to regain my strength 
and even to leave the hospital for a few hours at a time in a 
wheel chair to speak at bond rallies and on the radio. One or 
two spots of infection, however, seemed to resist every resource 
of modern science, with the result that after every sortie one 
or another of the grafts would break down. Special shoes had 
been made to enable me to stand erect and eventually to walk, 


but evidently the skin grafts were not sufficiently strong to 
bear the pressure when I stood on my feet. 

It was finally decided, early in 1944, that more drastic 
surgical treatment was necessary to adequately cover with flesh 
the stumps of my heels and the bones of my feet. This, a 
type of grafting known as plastic surgery, in which Dr. Web- 
ster is particularly skilled, involves the removal of a considerable 
section of skin, together with about a half inch of underlying 
tissue. The earlier pinch grafts had often been painful, as the 
spots from which the skin was taken were sometimes slow in 
healing on account of my general physical condition, and, in 
addition, I suffered constant pain and discomfort in my feet. 
I was ill prepared, however, for what I was to experience now. 

A flap about four inches wide and twelve inches in length 
was cut loose from my right thigh and a piece of skin from my 
chest was grafted on the exposed wound. The flap itself was 
brought downward and left attached just above the knee. My 
left knee was bent and my left heel was attached to the under 
side of this flap just above my right knee. A plaster cast held 
the graft tight, with my left knee suspended from a framework 
built above my bed. I remained for six weeks lying on my 
back in this position. I was then put on the operating table 
once more. The flap was cut off at the knee, my left leg was 
stretched out, and the other end of the flap was grafted to my 
right heel. I understood that it was necessary to hold down my 
left leg by force to encase both legs in a plaster cast. As a result 
of the second operation following the six weeks' ordeal I had 
been through, I sank lower than I had been at any point since 
my return, and for the first time I felt that perhaps I should 
have urged the doctors to amputate my feet at the ankles in 

I realize that my own experiences are, in no way comparable 
to some of the miracles of plastic surgery which are being 
performed on war casualties, many of which I have had occasion 
to observe during my stay at the hospital My own case, how- 
ever, was complicated by my greatly weakened physical condi- 


tion, the long-standing infection in my feet, and by the fact 
that I was no longer the young man who went to China a 
quarter of a century ago. 

About five weeks after the operation I have just described, 
the flap which connected my heels was cut, and, as the graft 
gradually healed, I found myself provided with new soles cover- 
ing my heels and the remnants of my feet and with new cover- 
ing for my ankles. I am now gradually learning to walk once 
more with special shoes, which is a slow process, as the stumps 
of my feet are sensitive and the flesh grafted from my thighs 
is not yet as tough as normal soles would be. I expect soon, 
however, to be released from a wheel chair and to move about, 
if not as freely as before, at least well enough to lead a 
normal life. 

Ever since my return to the United States I have been im- 
pressed by one thing which I had almost forgotten during my 
long stay in China, This is the innate sympathy and humani- 
tarian spirit of the American people, which has been expressed 
to me in hundreds of letters from persons in all parts of the 
United States, My will to live and my fight back to normal 
health have been greatly aided by the financial support which 
I have received from all sides and the warm sympathy expressed 
to me for the injuries I suffered at the hands of the Japanese. 

/ am now beginning to think of pirns -for the future. 

Nothing has occurred in the war to cause me to alter in any 
<way my conviction, held long before Pearl Harbor, that 
America's stake in the "Pacific is and 'will be a large one. Word 
of the victory to which the United States will have contributed 
so much in treasure and manpower will penetrate to the peoples 
of the remotest corners of Asm. In my opinion, millions of 
intelligent Asiatics, who before the war looked to European 
countries as the dominant powers in Asia, 'will now turn toward 
the new world of the Americas. They will want to know more 
about the United States and to be befriended by her. 1 am 
certain that all over Ana in the tea houses,, market places and 


barrios native peoples are talking and thinking about America 
'when they discuss the futme of their oivn lands. 

Having spent so much of my life in China, 1 find it difficult 
to think of my own future except in terms of hers. During the 
long night watches in the hospital, when sleep would not come, 
I have again and again gone over in my mind the experiences of 
those twenty-five years, many of which 1 have recounted in this 
book. I open think of the China to which I came as a young 
mm in 1917, and I realize \more and more how far she has 
progressed since that time and how much her two great leaders, 
Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, have ac- 
complished in little more than a generation. I am convinced that 
after this war is over China, with the proper guidmce and sup- 
port, will once more forge ahead as a nation and that her future 
will be one of importance to all the world. I hope to have some 
part in that future, as I have had in her past. 


Abend, Hallett, 189 
abortion clinic, 238 
"accidents" to neutrals under Japa- 
nese aggression, 316 
advertising in Moscow, 235, 236 
"advertising Japan," 243 
African grapefruit, 412 
Aguinaldo, 250 
airdrome, Chinese, at Himgjao, 297, 


airplanes, Russian, 208 
air route, Alaska-Siberian, 217 
Alcott, Carroll, 338, 340, 341 
Allman, Norwood T., 338, 341 
"Ambassador of Good Will," 48 
America in world affairs, 13 
America, Russia and China agree- 
ment against Japan proposed in 
1932, Ch. XVIII, pp. 193-201 
American Baptist Mission, 325 
American "bluffing" of Japan, 187 
American Club in Shanghai, 301, 358 
American Committee for Medical Aid 

to China, 398 

American Committee on Public In- 
formation, 45 

American Episcopal Mission, 326 
American Finance Company, 16 
American Information Committee, 


American magazines in Moscow, 235 

American-Oriental Banking Corpora- 
tion, 15 

American policy in Far East, 83 

American Red Cross, 92, 107, 108 

American School, 53 

American ships, Japanese bombs, Ch. 
XXVIII, pp. 3<>5"3i9 

American troops in China, 146 

Amur River, 173, 174 

Amusement Department, Supervised, 
Japanese, 328 

Anderson, Roy, 107, 117-119, 122, 123 
Anglo-American oil trust, 126 
Anglo-Japanese alliance, 75, 76 
Anti-Comintern Pact, 256, 268, 276, 

3i5 344 

Anti-Communist movement, 132 
Anti- Jewish propaganda, Nazi, 347 ff". 
apartment houses in Moscow, 237 
apologies for Panay "incident," 315 
Argentina, Nazi base in, 344 
Arms Limitation Conference, 71 
"army in plain clothes," 191 
army, Japanese, duplicity of in Panay 

bombing, 317 

Asama Maru, 345, 405, 407, 4101!. 
Asia magazine, 243, 375 
Associated Press, 45, 97, 169, 173, 189, 

320, 411, 412 
Astor House (Shanghai), i, "7, 9, 51, 


atrocities, 192, 257, 306 
Augusta, U.S. cruiser, 315, 318 
Australia, 77 

automobiles, American, in China, 143 
aviation, Russian, 229 
Axis orbit in Asia, 345 


Babb, Glen, 189 

"badlands," 335 

Baikal, Lake, 80, 210 

"bakka," Japanese "bad word," 385 

bandit area, 121 

bandits, Ch. XI, pp. 92-124 

bandit-suppression headquarters, 265 

banks, German, in China, 56 

banks taken over by Japanese, 360$., 

Baptist mission, American, 325 

Bataan, 252 

bayonet practice, Japanese, with Chi- 

nese as dummies, 307 
beer hails of Tokyo, 245 



Belgium, 76 

Belkire, Robert, 411 

Bennett, James Gordon, 271 

Bennett, Roy, 117, 118 

Bercsford, Admiral Lord, 74 

Berube, M., 93, 95 

Bess, Demaree, 233 

Biro-Bid jhan, 217, 218 

"black exchange," 362 

black-list, Japanese, 339 

Black Saturday, 298 

Blagoveshchensk, 199 

blood banks in China, 369 

blood transfusions, 368, 419 

Blue Express, Ch. XI, pp. 92-124 

Blue-Green Society, 153, 157 

"Bo-bo" Liu, 108 

Bogornolov, Ambassador, 202, 203 

Bolsheviks, 5^9 

bomb attack on author, 339 

Borchers, Dr. Johannes, 345 

Borodin, Michael, 127, 131, 139, 260 

Bosshard, Walter, 186 

Boxer indemnity, 69, 70 

Boxer Rebellion, 9, 74, 103, 290 

boycotting, Nazi, 349 

Boy Emperor, 38, 86 

Briand, Aristide, 78 

Bridge House, horrors of, Ch. 
XXXV, pp. 370-382 

Bridge House Political Prison, 330 

Brister, Mr., 377 

Bristol, Mark M., Admiral, 147 

Britain, not included in proposed 1932 
anti-Japanese pact, 196 

British-American Tobacco Company, 

British banks in Shanghai, 360 

British Concession returned to Chi- 
nese control, 136 

British evacuation of Hankow^ 137 

British gunboats and river steamers 
attacked, 314 

British policy in China, 31 

Browdcr, Earl, 143 

Brace, George, 359 

Bryan, William J, 78 

Buck, Pearl, 243 

Buddhist inscriptions, 103 

Buddhist religion, 282 

Bunny, author's daughter, 418 

Butler, Nicholas Murray, 62 
Butler, General Smedlcy, 146 

cable, trans-Pacific, 226 

cable, U.S.-Russian, once projected, 


Camp Stanley, 341 
Canada, 76, 77 
Cantlie, Dr. James, 29 
Canton, 125, 127 
"Canton Commune," 155 
Canton Volunteers, 129 
cartel, Japanese idea of, ^290, 330 
Catholic Action, Committees of, 250 
Catholic Church in Philippines, 248 
Central China Daily News, 338 
Central China Religious League, 330 
Central Economic Council, 290 
Central Press, 296 
cereals for China, 398 
Chahar Province, 281 
Chamber of Commerce, American in 

Shanghai, 61, 166, 168 
Chambcrlin, William Henry, 234 
Chambon, M., Vice-Consul, 197 
Chang Chien, General, 149 
Chang Ching-kiang^, 132, 133 
Chang Chun, Foreign Minister, 259 
Chang Hsueh-Iiang, 90, 172, 173, 258- 

260, 264 

Chang Hsun, 36-39 
Chang Po-ling, Dr., 296 
Chang, Samuel H., 337 
Chang Tso-lin, Marshal, 83, 84, 86-9o, 

170, 171, 172, 264 
Chapei, 20, 150, 297 
"Charter of Liberty," Chinese, 78 
Chase Bank, 350, 360 
Chautauqua belt, 68 
Chceloo Medical School, 401 
Chen Chi-inci, 129 
Chen, Eugene, 125, ijd, 137, z<5o 
Chen Kung-po, 139, 140 
Chcn-O'Mallcy agreement, 136, 137 
Chen Tu-hsiu, 138-140 
Chia Yung-chi, 284 

Chiang Kai-shek, 84-89, 128, 129, 132- 
134, 139-144, 148, 149, 155, 166, 170- 

176, 193, 201, 202, 256-273, 278-280, 

296, 344, 415, 422 



Chiang Kai-shek, Madame, 274 

Chiang Soh-an, 128 

Chiang Ting-wen, General, 266, 273 

Chicago Daily News, 174, 189 

Chicago Tribune,, 189, 320^., 353 

China Brotherhood Society, 29 

China-Japan War, 19 

China Merchants Steam Navigation 

Company, 19 
China Press, 97, 104, 106, 107, 258, 336, 

338, 340, 34*i 358, 370, 417 
China Trade Act, 65, 67 
China Weekly Review, 90, 106, 117, 

139, 154; Ch. XV, pp. 161-169, 

passim; 240, 290, 298, 336, 341, 352, 

35%, 37<> 375t 4*5 

Chinchow, 186-188 

Chinese armies, 163 

Chinese banks, 361 

"Chinese characteristics," 3 

Chinese dollars, 66 

Chinese Eastern Railway, 171-173, 
176, 196, 216, 222 

Chinese Railway Administration buys 
steel cars in the U.S., 92 

Chinese Recorder, Missionary maga- 
zine, 300 

Chinese students in American col- 
leges, 140 

Ching Dynasty, 29, 133 

Chingling, 32 

Chou dynasty, 266 

Chou En-lai, Communist leader, 154, 
268, 279 

"Christian General," 84 

Christian Science Monitor, 233, 234 

Chu Peh-teh, 132 

Chu Teh, 262, 269, 279 

Chung-shan Highway, 130 

Churches in Moscow, 237 

Church lands in Philippines, 249 

Churchill and Roosevelt, 351 

Chusan, 294 

cigarettes, paper for, in Moscow, 231 

civil war in China, Ch. V, pp. 35-42 

Clarke, E. G., Captain, 386, 387 

"classless" society, classes in, 216 

clocks in attempted interview with 
General Ma, 200 

clubs, foreign, in Shanghai, 55 

coalition government, 87 

Cochran, William J. H., 71, 74 

co-education abolished in Russia, 238 
Cohen, Maurice, 33 
Colliers, 319 
"Columbia Circle," 16 
Columbia Presbyterian Medical Cen- 
ter, 418 

Comintern, 139, 265 
Commercial Press, 20 
Communism and Nationalism, 145, 

148, 151, B *55 
Communistic government, failure to 

establish in China, 134 
Communists, Ch. XIII, pp. 132-140; 

Ch. XXIV, passim 
community church, 54 
"Compub," 45 
concessions, foreign, in Shanghai, 

passim throughout 
Confucius, 266 
congestion in Moscow, 236 
constitution, 36 

Conte Verde, the, 393 -fi.\ 403-409 
Coolidge administration, 81, 161 
coolie labor, 313 
cooperative societies, 283 
Corpening, Captain, 322, 323 
corpses in the Hai-ho, 284 
Corregidor, 252 
Cossacks, 58, 59, 202 
cost of living in Moscow, 227 
cost of travel in Siberia, 204 
cotton mills, Japanese, at Tsingtao, 

Chinese laborers in, 279 
Country Hospital, Shanghai, 323 
Cowan, Mr., printer in Shanghai, n 
Cox, "Jimmie, 401 
crab-apples, "Siberian," 220 
cracked wheat, American, in China, 


Crane, Charles R., 10 
Croly, Herbert, 14 
Crow, Carl, 45, 107, 117 
crows in Shanghai, 25 
cruelty, Japanese, 375 ff. 
"Culture Bureau," Japanese, 243, 328 
Cunningham, Consul, 19, 295 


Daily Herald, London, 320 

Davies, W. R,, 378 

Davis, John K M 107, 117, 118 



Davis, R. W., 378 

deportation, foreigners listed for, 338 

Dewey, Governor Thomas E., 412 

diplomacy of Powers in China, 48; 
Ch. XV, pp. 161-169 

diseases in Shanghai, 24 

divorce in Russia, 238 

"dogs and Chinese," 25 

dogskins, 178 

dogs, trained for war in Far East, 221 

Doihara, General, 199, 201 

Dollar, Capt. Robert, 5 

Dollar, J. Harold, 61 

Donald, W. EL, 271, 275 

Dooran, Eugene H., 411 

"dope" trade in China, 73 

Dorftnan, Ben, 190 

Dou Yu-seng, 152, 154-159 

drag trade by Japanese in China, 73, 
285, 286, 288 

dummies for bayonet practice, Japa- 
nese use Chinese as, 307 

Dyer, Leonidas C., 64 

East India Company, British, 295 
education in Philippines, 254, 255 
Eizo Shima, Japanese racketeer, 289 
embargo, U.S., on scrap, etc., feared 

by Japanese, 397 
emigree Russians, 58, 221 
Empress Dowager, 30 
engineers, American, in Russia, 224 
Episcopal Mission, American, 326 
espionage, Japanese, 54; author ac- 
cused of, 387 
evacuation, Chinese from Japan, Japs 

from China, 297 

exchange of civilian prisoners, 399 
Executive Yuan (Committee) of 

Nanking Government, 273 
extraterritoriality, 55, 78, 82, 125, 363 
Ezras, the, 351 

fairs, Mongolian, 178 

Far East, American business in, 61 

Far Eastern Red army, Russian, 221 

Far Eastern Review, 168 

Far Eastern Soviet Army, 175 

Far Eastern Trading Corporation, 173 

Farrar, Senor, 185, 192 

Farren, Joe, 329 

Fascism, 234 

"Fascist Club" in Harbin, 197 

Fascist Party in Shanghai, 314 

F.B.L, 415 

Federal incorporation, 61, 67 

feet, author's, treatment of in Shang- 
hai, 392; in N. Y., 393 ff. 

Feng Kuo-chang, 40 

Feng Yu~hsiang, Marshal, 84-87, 172 

fertilizer in China, 27 

Fessenden, Stirling, 158, 326, 327 

Fifteenth U.S. Infantry, 108 

fire department, Shanghai, 21 

Fischer, Dr. Martin, 344, 346 

Fishery Bureau, Russian, 209, 212 

fishery industry, Japanese "reorgani- 
zation" of, 331 

"Fish-skin" Tatars, 174 

flag, American, desecrated by Japa- 
nese, 314 

Fleet, R. Hayton, 198 

Fleischer, Wilfred, 10, 375 

FHck, C, 346 

Flick-Steger, C., 346 

flies, 24 

Fodder, Robert, 347 

food of Bridge House prisoners, 381, 

food shop in Moscow, author's expe- 
rience m, 231 

Fong, Professor, 294, 295 

Foochow, 129 

Ford, "Hank," 412 

foreigners in Shanghai, 25 

"Foreign Firm," Japanese trick, 286 

forests of Siberia, 219 

Forrest Wilbur, 173 

Four-Power Naval Limitations Treaty, 

Fourteen Points, 47 

France, silk and curio trade with 
China, 133 

"Free City" project, 168 

French, the, as foreigners," 79 

French Concession given up, 362 

French language in international 
meetings, 79 

Friedman, Leon, 104 

Fuchin, 174 

Fuchs, Walther, 345 



Fulton Market, 53 
furs, 178 

Fu Tso-yi, General, 282 
future of China, 421, 422 

Galen, General, 127 

gambling dens, 328 

Gande, Bill, 377 

Gandhi, Mahatma, 391 

"Gangster" Dou, 152 

Gardiner, Dr., 391, 392, 399, 401, 403 

gasoline embargo, 379 

Gauss, Clarence E., 161, 164 

Geist, Lieutenant John Willard, 

U.S.N., 319 
"General" Cohen, 33 
Genghis Khan, 176, 179, 217, 281 
Germany and Russia, 344 
Germany in Far East, 38, 54, 55, 73, 

3 1 * 343 

Gibbons, Floyd, 189, 321 
Gillctt, Speaker, 65, 66 
girls recruited for cotton mills in 

Osaka and geisha houses in Tokyo, 


Glassford, Admiral, 356, 377 
Goctte, John, 412 
Gorman, George, 192 
Gort, Lord, 147 
Gould, Randall, 338, 341 
Great Wall, 87, 186, 188, 278, 280, 

Grew, Joseph C., Ambassador, 309, 

316, 411 

Grey, Lord, 48 

Gripsholm, the 327, 359, 362, 404, 410 
Grusenberg, 127 
Guardian, Manchester, 320 
"gunboat policy," 168 
gunboats, American, 30, 136, 155 


Hai-ho, floating corpses in, 284 
Handbook of Soviet Union, 218 
Hankow, 31; victory over "capitalistic 
imperialism," 135; Red regime, 139 
Hannibal, Mo., 2 
Hanoi, 153 
Hanson, George, Consul-General, 177 

Harada, General Kumakichi, 317 
Harbin, 171, 173, 177-180; Harbin 

newspapers, 198 

Harding, President Warren, 62, 63, 71 
Hardoons, the, 351 
Harkness Pavilion, 418 
Harris Morris J., 189, 412 
Hart, Admiral Thomas C., U.S.N., 

35<5, 377 

Hart, Betty, 338 

Hashimoto, Kingoro, Colonel, 314-317 
Haverford College, 337 
Hay, John, 73, 74 
Hayim, Ellis, 377 
health, 24 

Helmick, Judge Milton J., 17 
Henry Pu-yi, 39 
Hensley, Malcolm Stewart, 418 
Herald (N.Y.), 8, 9, 271 
Herald, Daily, London, 320 
Herald Tribune, New York, 173, 188, 

3". 375 377 
heroin poisoning, 284 
Hill, Max, 411 

Hinghan Mountains, 175, 199, 200 
Hin Wong, 2 
Hirohito, Emperor, 211, 303, 316, 376, 


Hirokichi Otake, 258 
Hirota, Koki, Foreign Minister, 316 
Hitler in Far East, 344 
Hochi, Tokyo newspaper, 269 
Holcomb, Chauncy JP. 
"Hollywood," Shanghai, 329 
Ho Lung, General, 262 
Honan, Jewish colony in, 349 
Hongkew, i, 19, 53, 297, 325, 360 
Hong Kong, 15, 28, 29, 68, 69, 294 
Honjo, General, 186, 190 
Hoover, Herbert, 64, 81 
hotels in Vladivostok, 212 
housewives, American, in Shanghai, 

52, 53 

Houston, Consul, 155 

"How They Lie," booklet, 351 

Howe, Jim, 173 

Hsuan T'ung, 31 

Hua Mei Wan Pao, Chinese news- 
paper, 336 

Huang Hsing, General, 30 

Hudson, Professor Manley O., 156 

Hu Feng4in, General, 103 

428 INDEX 

Hughes, Charles E., 77, 79, 80 
Hu Han-ming, 128, 130, 133 
Hunan, 85; source of Red propaganda, 

Hungjao, Chinese airdrome at, 297, 


Hungutzu, 87, 88 

Hunt, William P., and Company, 19 
Hunter, Edward, 189 
Hu Shih, Dr., 415 
Hwangho, Yellow River, 283 

ice cream, 87, 411 

Idzumo, Japanese battleship, 297, 300, 

302, 304 

Imperial Conference in London, 76 
incorporation, Federal, 61 
India, 77 

Indo-China, 74, 153 
indoctrination, Japanese, in hatred, 307 
industrial development at Mukden, 


industrialization, Russian, 230 
industry under Japanese control, 330 
inflation, 136, 350 
Information Committee, American, 


Inner Mongolia, 87, 177, 196, 282 
Institute of Pacific Relations, 183 
intermarriage in Siberia, 218; in Phil- 
ippines, 254 
international law, Japanese violations 

of, 316 
International News Service, 189, 402, 

International Settlement, Shanghai, 9, 

16, 19, 26, 124, 137, 202, 298, 325, 
327, 329, 337, 340, 350, 362 

intervention, Ch. XV, pp. 161-169, 234 

Intourist Travel Agency, Russian, 
203, 204, 208, 215 

invasion, Japanese, expected in Si- 
beria, 220 

Ishii, Baron, 47 

islands, Pacific, mandated, 72, 73 

Italy protests to Japan, 314 

Jabin Hsu, 335 
Jacobson, Miss, 411 

Japan, in Korea, 34; in China, 37, 43- 
50; and Arms Conference, 75; and 
Chinese bandits, 105; coast scenery 
of, 205; pact against, that might 
have been in 1932, Ch. XVIII, pp. 
193-201; "non-aggression" policy, 

Japan Advertiser, 10, 375 

Japan-America Society, 243 

Japan Chronicle, 182 

Japanese, in Inner Mongolia, 179; in- 
vasion of Manchuria, 182; "rights" 
in Manchuria, 190; atrocities, 182, 
306; Embassy in Moscow, 239; con- 
sulate at Vladivostok, 241; "Culture 
Bureau," 243, 328; resistance to, in 
Manchuria, 281 

"Japanese-American War Imminent," 
1939 book, 332 

Japanese attack Shanghai, 355 fL 

Jehol, 186, 281 

Jew as bandits' prisoner, 104 

Jews, Oriental, 12; Russian, 217 

JofTe, M., 125 

John Day Company, 243 

Johnson, Nelson T., Ambassador, 310 

Jordan, Sir John, 80 

Johnstone, Dr. William Crane, Jr., 


Kalgan, 87, 280 

Karakhan, L. M., 126, 127, 170, 173 

Kaspe, Joseph, 196 

Kaspe, Simeon, 196-198 

Kato, Count, 44 

Katsuhei Zama, 258 

Kawagoe, S., Ambassador, 259 

Keen, Victor, 188, 311, 377, 400 

Kellogg, Secretary of State Frank B., 

i6r, 165 

Kenji Doihara, General, 199, 201 
"key" city (Shanghai), 151 
Khabarovsk, 174, 217, 220, 221 
Kiangsi Road, 12 
Kiangwan prison, 389 
kidnap plot against Chiang Kai-shek, 

killing contest by Japanese officers, 

305, 306 
King Features, 414 

"King of Scrap," 246 

Kingdom of Wu, 85 

Kingoro Hashimoto, Colonel, 314-317 

Kinney, Henry W., 192, 309 

Kinsley, Phil, 62 

Kobe Harbor, explosion in, 394 

Komosols, 215, 225, 238 

Konoye, Prince, Japanese Premier, 

Korea, 34, 189, 207; American mis- 
sionaries in, 211; native troops, 211; 
Japanese defenses of, 241, 242; mar- 
kets of, 242 

Korean University, 211 

Koslovsky, Consul, 202 

Kremlin, 227 

KrutofT, Commissar Gregori, 220-224 

Kuang Hsu, Emperor, 31 

Kuh, Frederick, 189 

kulaks, 216 

Kung, Dr. H. H., 258, 271-277 passim 

Kuominchun, "National" Army, 172 

Kuomintang, 9, 28-32, 41, 75; conflict 
with Communist Party, 131-139; 
Communist partnership, 141, 143, 
151, 155, 156, 260, 265, 350 and passim 

Kwangchowan, 74 

Kwanghua University, 325 

Kwantung army, 195, 221, 308 

labor in Shanghai, 26 

labor under Soviet Union, 215 

Labor University, Shanghai, 325 

Ladybird, British gunboat, 318 

LaFollette Act, 6 

LaFoIlcttc, Senator Robert, 6B 

Lahasusu, 174 

Lake Baikal, 220 

Lama temples, 282 

Lansing, Robert, 47 

Lao Tzu, 266 

"last line of defense," Chinese, 296 

La Stamp a, 314 

laundryman, Chinese, 81 

LaVoy, Merle, 413 

League of Nations, 71, 168, 185, 188, 

190, 193, 194, 229, 280, 282 
Lena River Valley, 217 
Lenfers, Fr., 105, 109-111 


Lenin, 142 

Leonard, Rev. Charles, 180 

Liberal Party, 35 

liberation or liquidation, 307 

libraries, 69, 70 

Li Chi-sheng, General, 132, 148 

Life, 413 

Lindbergh, Charles A., 353 

Lippmann, Walter, 14 

Literary Digest, 14, 169 

Li Tsung-jen, General, 132, 148, 151, 

154, 278 
LitvinofT, Foreign Commissar Maxim, 


Liu, "Bo-bo," 108 
Li Yuan-hung, 32-36 
lobbying, Ch. VIII, pp. 61-70 
Lobingier, Charles S., Judge, 15 
Lockhart, Frank, 411 
London JDaily Herald, 188 
London Daily Telegraphy 192 
looting by Japanese, 306 
loss of face, 313 
Lourenco Marques, 4071!. 
Lou Tseng-hsiang, Dr., 44, 46 " 


Ma, General, 199-201 

Ma Chanshan, 199, 200 

Macao, 28 

MacArthur, General, 247, 250, 251, 

McConnick, Colonel Robert R., 61, 

320, 322, 324 

McCracken, Dr. J. C., 401 
McFadden, Miss, 92 
machine-gunning of Panay survivors, 


Mackay radio, 341 
MacKay, J. A., 360, 366 
MacMurray, John Van Antwerp, 80 
Madame Chiang Kai-shek, 303, 304 
"makakas," 215 

Manchester Guardian, 189, 320 
Manchouli, 174 

Manchu Dynasty, 38, 153, 256 
Manchu Government, 29 
Manchukuo Government, 199, 218, 

280, 344 , 

Manchuria, 44 
"Manchurian Tiger," 88 



mandated islands, 73, 195 

mandated islands, Japanese, 258 

Manila, Ch. XXIII, passim 

Manila Bulletin, 117 

Mao Tse-tung, 138, 139, 262, 269, 279 

Marco Polo, 27 

Marine barracks, U. S., hit by Jap 

bomb, 304 
Marine Hospital, 418 
Marines, U. S., 60, 291, 356 
markets, municipal, taken over by 

Japan, 395 
Mark Twain, 2 
marriages, international, 60 
Marshall, Jim, 319 
Martinoff, 197 
mass migration, 216 
Maxim uorky, The, 229 
Mayer, Rudolph, 372 
Mehnert, Dr. Klaus, 346 4 
Mei-an, the, sunk with Panay, 313 
Meighen, Arthur, 76 
Mei-ling, 267 

Meleney, Dr. Frank L., 393, 419 
Melinkorf, 210 
Mencius, 266 

Mercantile Fleet, Soviet, 173 
Metropole Hotel, meeting of Ameri- 
cans in, 364, 365 
Meysinger, Colonel, 346 
Michigan, University of, 335 
Millard, Thomas Franklin Fairfax, i, 

7-11,90, 194 

Millard's Review, 11, 15, 35, 39"4i 90 
militarists, Chinese, 85 
militarists, Japanese, encouraged by 

weak policy of U. S., 310 
military matters in Russia, 229-230 
Military Party, 35, 36 
Mills, Hal P., 338 
"mining machinery," Japanese guns 

so labeled, 192 
missionaries, 123, 141, 168, 211, 262, 

295, 300, 307, 330, 333, 401 
missionary doctors, 417 
mission boards, i&, 19 
missions, 144 

Missouri, University of, i, 338, 418 
"Mister Smith," 52 
Mitsunami, Teizo, Rear Admiral, 318 
"Model Village," 52 
Moderne, The, 181 

money, American, in Moscow, 227 
Mongolia, trading customs of, 178; 
horse racing in, 179; conditions in, 

2 57 

Mongolian atrocities, 257 

"Mongolian People's Republic," 257 

Monroe Doctrine, 74 

Morin, Relman, 402 

morphine ' factories, 288 

Morris, John, 189 

Morton, Capt. Henry, 9, 52 

Moscow, Ch. XXI, pp. 227-238 

Moscow and Berlin, 223 

Moscow Daily News, 139 

mosquitoes, 23 

Mo Tzu, 266 

Mount Pai-tzu-ku, 104, 109, 113, 119 

Moy, Herbert, 347 

Municipal Council, reorganization of, 

Musso, "Commendatore" G. D., 92, 
98, 99, 101, 113 

Mussolini, Benito, his newspaper, 314 

Mukden, Japanese occupation of, 185; 
Japanese "tourists" in, 191; indus- 
trial center, 226 

Myers, W. R., 288 


Nakamura, Captain, 182, 183, 197 
Nankai University, destroyed by Jap- 
anese, 296 

Nanking, 29; provisional government, 
133; puppet government, 140; rape 
of, 306 

Nankow Pass, 280 
Nantao, 150 
Naphtha Trust, 173 
narcotics, trade in, 288, 328 
Nation, The, 375 
National City Bank, 360, 378 
National Finance Ministry, 335 
National Government of China, 29 
nationalism, 46, 131, 134, 145, 148, 151, 


Nationalist Revolution of 1927, 351 
naval base, Japanese, at Chusan, 296 
Naval Limitation Treaty, 257 
naval ratio, 77 
navy, Chinese, 41 



Navy Purchasing Bureau, U. S., at 
Shanghai, 302 

Navy, U. S., Admiral Yarnell to "ig- 
nore" Japanese dictation, 315 

Nazi flag off China coast, 293 

Nazi propaganda, 343 

Nazis in Shanghai, 56 

Netherlands, 76 

neutralized area, 121 

New Moscow (Novo Moscotia) 
Hotel, 227 

New Republic, 14 

"new spirit in Far East,** Japanese 
idea of, 317 

newspaper men in Russia, 231, 232, 

Newsweek, 14 

"New World," 300 

New York Herald Tribune, 173, 188, 

3 ir > 375i 377 

New York Times, 71, 87, 189, 402 
New Zealand, 77 
"Nichi-Bei Sen Chikashi," 332 
Nichi-Nichi, Tokyo newspaper, 269, 


Nicholson, Martin R,, 411, 412 
Nine-Power Treaty, 77, 78, 122 
"Ningpo" tea, 295 
Nippon Maru, steamship, 4 
Nonni River, 199 
North China Daily News, 10, 144, 

145, 258, 299 
North China Star, 337 
North Manchurian resources, 177 
Northrop bombers, 302 
Nottingham, E. S,, 359 
November Tenth Celebration, 210 
"Number 76 Jessfield Road," 335 

Oahu, U.S.S., 318 

occupation, Japanese methods of, 283 

occupation of Shanghai by Japanese, 

opium and heroin, use of encouraged 

by Japanese in China, 285, 287 
Osaka, scrap storage yards in, 246 
Oliver, Frank, 189 
Outer Mongolia, 182, 196, 405 
Outline of Reconstruction, 131 
"out-port," 405 
over-production, 230 

O'Doherty, Archbishop, 248, 250 

OGPU, 208, 215, 216, 239 

oil, 126, 205 

Okamato, Consul, 297 

Okhotsk, Sea of, 213 

O'Malley, Consul-General, 136 

Open Door Policy, 20, 47, 73, 74, 83 

Pacific Mail, 5 

Pacific Relations, Institute of, 183 

Pacification Commissioner, 266 

Pai Chung-hsi, General, 154, 278 

Pailingmiao, 282 

Palace Hotel, 125 

Panay, U. S. gunboat sunk by Japa- 
nese, 309-323 

"Pang-ban," 115, 117, 118 

Pau Ku, Secret Police head, 269 

Paotingfu, 128 

Paotow, 282 

paper supplies in Russia, 231 

Parliament, Peking, 35, 38 

paving in Shanghai, 26 

Peace Preservation Corps, 297 

Pearl Harbor, 332, 343 

Pearson, Joseph, 311 

peasant tenants, 249 

Peiping, 264, 280, 281, 282, 283, 290, 
291, 296 

Peipmg Political Council, 290 

Peking, 28, 35, 36, 38-41, 83, 84, 264, 

Peking Daily News, 40, 43 

Peking Y. W. C. A., 86 

"People's Livelihood," 131 

"People's Principles," 131 

Perry, Commodore, 295 

Peters, Mayor "Andy," 66 

Petrel, British gunboat, 356 

Philippines, in '36, Ch. XXIII, pp. 

photographs as evidence of Japanese 
atrocities, 307, 308 

Pickens, Robert, 168 

Pinger, Major Roland, 92, 113 

Pirelli, Signorina, 93, 98 

Pittman, Key, Senator, 315 

"Pittsburgh of China," 135 

Pogranichnaya, 174 



Politburu, Far Eastern, 220 

politics in Moscow, 234 

Poltava, 5 

Pootung, 150 

Popolo d'ltalia, 314 

Port Arthur, 122 

Portugal, 76 

Poset Bay, 196 

Powell, Bonney, 240 

Powell, John William, son of author, 


power plant, Shanghai municipal, 325 
Powers, the, and Manchuria, 185, 186 
Pravda 233 
Presbyterian Medical Center, N. Y., 

President Lines, 245 

Press Wireless, 311, 341, 357 
prices in occupied Shanghai, 367 
propaganda, use of planes in, 229; 
Japanese domestic, 245; German, 

345i 34<$ 

"propinquitous territories, 49 
psychological warfare, 208 
pulpwood in Siberia, 226 
punkah, 21 

Purple Mountain, 130 
Pu-yi, "Emperor," 376 

Quezon, President Manuel, 249, 250, 


Quincy Whig, 2 
Quo Tai-chi, 193 


racial issue in Siberia, 219 

Radek, Karl, 86, 128, 233 ^ 

radio, Nazi in China, 347; in Shanghai, 
357; Japanese, 401 

'Radzoyevsky, 197 

railroads of Far East, 222 

Ramos, Benigno, 250 

Ranson, Dr., 393 

rape cases, 156, 157 

Rashin, Korean port, 241 

Raven, Frank J., 15, 16, 168 

Rawlinson, Rev. Dr. Frank, first for- 
eigner killed in China-Japan war, 

RCA, 341 

Rea, George Bronson, 168 

Reader's Digest, 14, 414 

Reconstruction Plan, 131 

"Red-Bearded Bandit," 87 

Red Cross, American, 301, 302, 397; 
Ambulance Corps, 418; Interna- 
tional, 405 

red light district, 12 

Reds, in China, Ch. XXIV, passim 

Red Square, Moscow, 130, 203, 229 

"Red Star over China," 139 

"Red Wave on the Yangtze," 144, 

147* I0 * 2 

Reid, Dr. Gilbert, 38 

Reinsch, Dr. Paul S., 45-50 

religion in Moscow, 237 

Religious League, Central China, 330 

Remer, Dr. Csurl T., 415 

Remington Arms Company, 172 

renegade radio reporter, 400 

rents in Moscow, government regu- 
lation of, 237 

resources, natural, of Siberia, 219 

Renter's, 162, 189, 351, 402 

Rio de Janeiro, 415 

river navigation, 173 

roads, in Siberia, 210 

Rockefeller, John D., Jr., 92 

Rockefeller Institute, 130 

Rodov, Boris, 258 

Rogers, Will, 189 

Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor B., 303, 304; 
President F. D., 316, 35*~353 379i 
408; President Theodore, 34 

Ross, Charles G., 414 

Roy, 139 

Royal Dutch Shell, 126 

"running-dog" of imperialists, 148, 151 

Russell and Company, 18 

Russia and the Russians, 49, 57-60, 80, 
88, 125, 130, 170-181, 193, 196, 217, 
218, 223, 263 

Russo-German war, 277 

Russo-Japanese neutrality treaty, 194 

Russo-Japanese war, 88 

Sacred Farming Society, 289 
St. Lows Post-Dispatch, 414, 418 
St. LuJke's Hospital, 401 



Saito, Hiroshi, Ambassador, 315, 316 

Sakdalistas, 249, 250 

Sakhalin, 195, 213, 226 

Sammons, Thomas, 9 

Sanders-Bates, J. A. E., 338 

Sandri, Sandro, 315 

sanitation in Bridge House prison, 379 

sanitation in China, 51 

Sanpehj the, 293 

Sassoon, Sir Victor, 348, 359 

Sassoons, the, 351 

Sato, General, 333 

Schonberg, Mile., 92, 94, 96 

School of Forestry, 88 

Schurman, Dr. Jacob Gould, 106, 121 

Scott, Rev. and Mrs. Charles Ernest, 


scrap, steel, in Japan, 245, 246, 331 
Scripps-Howard newspapers, 173 
seamen, American and Chinese, 6 
Seamen's Acts, 69 
secret agreements and treaties, 49, 71, 


Seitz, Carl, 61 
Sellett, George, 17 
Seminov, Atarnan, 220 
Seventh Day Adventist mission, 302 
Seventh Day Adventist missionary 

doctor, 264 
sewage disposal, 26 
Seward, Secretary William H., 224 
sham battle becomes real, 291 
Shamoons, the, 351 
Shang, House of, 266 
Shanghai, passim throughout 
Shanghai, Battle of, 297-304 
Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, 

33$' 33i 342, 359. 3^ 400 
Shanghai Labor University, 325 
Shanghai Law College, 17 
Shanghai Nippo, the, 279, 297 
Shanghai Opium Combine, 93 
"Shanghai Problem, The," 363 
Shanghai Times, 342 
Shanghai University, 325 
Shanhaikwan, 188 
Shantung, 485 Chap. IX, pp. 71-82; 


"Shantung dog," roi 
"Shantung tarnales," 101 
Shao-Hwa Tan, Dr., 415 
Shao Li-tze, Governor, 266, 268 

Sheba, Kimpei, 243, 324 

Shields, Dr. Randolph, 401 

shipping, American, 6 

ships, Chinese, in "paper transfer" to 

Germany, 293 
shipping in Moscow, 230 
Shun Pao, 338, 339 
Sian Incident, Ch. XXIV, pp. 256-269 
Siberia, 175, 210; Ch. XX, pp. 215- 

226;_ 344 

"Siberian Anna," 238 
"Siberian" crab-apples, 220 
Sikhs, 138 
Silver State, the, 83 
Simms, William Philip, 173 
Simpson, Lenox, 198 
Singer Sewing Machine Company, 


Sinkiang, 199 

Sino-Japanese Cultural Society, 284 
Sister Helen, 398, 403 
skin grafting, 419 
skyline, Manhattan, 417 
slang name, Russian, for Japanese, 215 
Smith, Arthur H., 3 
smuggling by Japanese, 288 
Snow, Edgar, 139, 154, 188 
societies, Blue and Green, 153 
Socony Vacuum Oil Company, 97, 

3*3, 378 

Soong, Charles Jones, 32 
Soong, T. V., 274-276, 415 
South China, Ch. XII, pp. 125-131 
South Manchurian Railway, 189 
Soviet influence behind Chinese com- 
munists, 142 

Soviet mercantile fleet, 173 
Soviet Far Eastern Trading Corpora- 
tion, 173 

soya-bean oil, 222 
Spain and the Spaniards, 248, 249 
Special Service Section, Japanese, 288, 

speculators, Japanese, in land in 

China, 289 
Speelman, M. 348 
spheres of influence, 78, 122 
Spiivanek, Counsellor of Embassy, 


springs, healing, 179 
Stalin, 86, 139, 142, 228, 233, 238 
Stam, Rev. and Mrs. John, 262 



Standard Oil, 126 
Stark, Admiral, 57, 58 
Starr, C. V., 338, 341 
State Department, U. S., weak policy 
of in Far East, 37, 45, 310, 315, 331, 


Statue of Liberty, 417 
"stink-pots of Asia," 27 
stores, official, in Russia, 230 
stowaway, 405 
Strawn, Silas H., 81 
Student Movement, Chinese, 46 
submarines, Russian, 207; Nazi, 416 
subway, Moscow, 232 
Sugiyama, General, War Minister, 


Suiyuan Province, 281 
Sun Chuan-fang, General, 149 
Sun Fo, 139 
Sungari River, 173, 174 
Sung Cheh-yuan, General, 281, 282, 

283, 284, 291 

Sun Ming-chiu, Lieutenant, 275 
Sun Yat-sen, Dr., 9, 28-42, 75, 82, 84, 

89, 125-130, 133, 137, 139, 422 
surplus products in Russian economy, 


Sven Mao-yao, 94, 114, 122 
sweatshops in Moscow, 232 
Sze, Dr. Sao-ke Alfred, 73, 75, 80 
Sweetland, Reginald, 189 
Swiss Consul-General, 390, 399 

Taft, Henry, 80 

Taft, William Howard, 15, 249 

Ta Kung Pao, Chinese newspaper^ 


"Tammany tactics," 327 
Tang Leang-li, 337, 352 
"Tangtu Truce," 259 
tanks, Russian, 211 
Tashiaki Mukai, Sublieutenant, 305 
Tatar a Mara, 357 
Tatars, 174 
Taube, Baron, 174 
taxes, 26, 2*44 
Taylor, Carson, 117 
tea, 204, 295 
Teh, Prince, 259, 282 

telegram, circular, sent by Young 
Marshal, 270 

telephone in Shanghai, 20, 52 

Texas Oil Company, 126, 385 

theaters in Moscow, 237 

Third International, 143 

Tientsin, 40, 284, 285, 289, 290, 344 

timber in Siberia, 219 

Time, 14 

Times, New York, 71, 87, 189, 402 

tobacco in Siberia, 215 

Toda, 3 

Tokyo, civilian and military authori- 
ties in, 242 

Tokyo Military Academy, 128 

Tolischus, Otto, 402 

Tong, Hollington K., 2, 43 

Tong Shao-yi, 9, 10, 41 

Toyo Kisen Kaisha, 4 

trade expansion in China, 67 

Transocean News Service, 347, 352 

Trans-Siberian Railway, 203, 207, 216, 

treaties, secret, 71 t 

"tribes" in USSR, 219 

Tribune, Chicago, 320, 321, 322 

Trotsky, 86, 127, 139, 142, 143, 234 

Tsai Ting-kai, General, 278 

Tsaochwang, 112, 119 

Tsaochwang coal mine, 104 

Tsiangtao, 33, 43, 73, 74, 78, 80, 105, 
108, 121, 178, 279 

Tsitsihar, 177, 199 

Tsu Hsi, 30 

Tuan Chi-jui, 32, 35, 36 

Tuan, Premier, 39 

Tuchuns, 35, 36,^89, in 

Tung Meng Hui, 29 

Twentieth (XXth) Century, The, 346 

Twenty-one Demands, 37, 43 

"Two Men on a Boat," booklet, 351 


Ukraine, 216 
Ullstein Press, 186 
Umetzu, General, 259 
Underwood, J. J., 161 
"united front," 268, 269, 270 
United Press, 189, 351, 411 
United States Court for China, 15, 
17, 167, 362 



United States Health Service, 418 
United States Navy in Chinese wa- 
ters, 315 

United States weakness in Far East- 
ern diplomacy, 309 
University Press in Shanghai, 338 
USSR, and war in North China, Ch. 

XVI, pp. 170-161 
utilities, 330, 359, 396 

Vacuum Oil Company, 126 
Valparaiso University, 127 
Verea, Mr. and Mrs. Ancera, 92, 99 
vice racket, Shanghai, 329 
Vichy, 362 

"Village Life in China," 3 
Villard, Oswald Garrison, 14 
Vines, Frank H., 323 
violation of neutrality agreement al- 
leged by Japan, 297 
Vladivostok, 58, 196; Ch, XIX, pp. 

2O2-2 14 

Volunteer Corps, 22 

Voroshilov Iron Works, 209, 211 


Wake, U.S.S., 356 , 

Walsh, Richard J., 243 
Wang, bandit, 118 
Wang Ching-wei, 87, 129-133, 138- 
140, 264, 269, 328, 329, 335, 337, 338, 

344, 34<5, 35 2 > 3& 3 6 3 
Wang, Dr. C. J., 41, 126 
Wangtu, the, 314 
War Lords, 41, 84 
"warning to editors/* 334 
warships, Japanese, enter Swatow 

Harbor, 296 
Washington Conference^ Ch. IX, pp. 

71-82; 83, 105, 122, 257 
Watanabc, Mr,, 54 
Watari, Major, 187, 189, 100 
"Watch on the Pacific," 194 
water works, Shanghai municipal, 325 
Webster, Dr. Jerome P., 393, 419, 420 
Wei-hai-wei, 122 
Wen, S. J., 107 
Wendler, Ernst, 346 
Western Residential District, 26 

Western supremacy, 13 1 

Whampoa Military Academy, 129, 


Whangpoo River, i, 18 
wharf coolies, Chinese, strike of, at 

Swatow, 297 

Wheeler, U.S. Senator, 353 
White, Jimmy, 412 
"White Guards," 203 
White Russians, 175, 176, 181, 197, 

203, 219, 234 
Wiedemann, Captain Fritz, 343, 344, 


Wiegand, Karl von, 346 

Williams, Admiral, 165 

Williams, Dean Walter, i 

Williams, Dr., of Nanking Univer- 
sity, 156 

Williams, Frank, 411 

Wilson, President Woodrow, 38, 47- 


Wilson, Tug, 337 
Wo, General, 97 
women, status of in USSR, 238 
women workers in Moscow, 232, 233 
women workers in Siberia, 206 
Wong, Chinese editor, 335 
Wood, Mary Elizabeth, 69, 70 
Woodhead, H, G. W., 365 
Woo Kya-tang, 338 
Woosung, Japanese land at, 297 
world politics, China as a center of, 

World War H, "Real" Start of, Ch, 

XVII, pp. 182-192 
World War I, 6, 34, 36, 40 
Wright, Paul, 174 
Wu, General, 97 
Wuchang, 30 
Wu-Han, 134, 135 
Wu Pei-fu, Marshal, 50, 83-86, 88 
Wu Su-pao, 33d 
Wu Ting-fang, i, 41 

XGRS, Nazi radio, 347 
XHHB, Nazi radio, 347 
XMHA, American radio in Shanghai, 

XXth Century, The, 346 



Yakhontoff, Victor A., 242 
Yakut nation, 216, 217 
Yamamoto, Lieutenant, 387, 401 
Yang Hu-cheng, General, 260, 267, 

2 74> 2 75> 279 
Yangtzepoo, 19 
Yangtze Valley, plans for invasion of, 


Yarnell, Admiral Harry E., 315 
Yasumara, Rev. Sabrow, 330 
Yeh Chien-Ying, 268 
Yellow Flower HiU, 30 
Yen, Dr. W. W., 193 
Yerkes, Rev. Carroll H., 104, in 
Yihsien Mission, 104 

Yin, Ju-keng, 283 
Y. M. C. A. in Harbin, 180 
Yonai, Admiral Mitsumasi, 332 
Young Marshal, the, 172, 173, 264, 265, 

267, 269, 270, 272, 275, 281 
Youth Organization, Communist, 215, 

Yuan Shih-kai, 9; Ch. IV, pp. 28-42; 

43, 44, 133 

Yui, O. K., Mayor of Shanghai, 298 
Yu Pin, Paul, Bishop, 250 
Y. W. C. A., Peking, 86 

Zionist Movement, 217 
Zinsser, Christian, 346